• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.26-38
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• 2019

This study is based on the analysis of the characteristics of waterfront scenery. Recently, waterfront development has expanded residentially, commercially and into leisure space. In the development of the waterfront, it is necessary to apply designs suitable for urban and various other waterfront areas. In this study, the natural scenery of the waterfront was researched with respect to the Korean Jingyeong landscape paintings and the main elements of the scenery were analyzed. In this study, 105 painting of Korean Jingyeong landscapes paintings were selected for the analysis of the waterside scenery. The paintings of Jeong Seon were studied to categorize streams topographically into mountainous, upper, middle, lower, and ocean types. In addition, major micro-topography elements, which are 13 water image elements and 13 staffage elements were analyzed. The main waterfront landscape elements are divided into 13 types. The waterfalls were divided into long waterfalls, short waterfalls, cascading waterfalls, and other aspects considered were line stream, curve stream, multi-curve stream, pond, water surface, flow surface, wave surface, rock side, pile sandy side, sandy side. There are 13 kinds of staffage elements, include pine forest, pine trees, fir trees, bamboo trees, willow trees, broadleaf tree, villages, houses, gazebo, boat, bridges, and people. The waterfront landscape by a river area was explained according to each characteristic of the waterfront landscape and staffage, and their changes were analyzed in each area. The 105 paintings were divided into 35 pieces of mountainous streams, 9 upper streams, 5 middle streams, 35 lower streams, and 21 oceans, and the change of each waterfront landscape and staffage was analyzed. Based on the topographical analysis of the waterfront landscape and staffage, the results can be summarized into 5 types of the waterfront landscape. Based on the micro-topographical characteristics of the waterfront landscape styles are as follow. In the mountainous streams, long waterfall and deep forest type are apparent, which depicts deep mountain waterfall scenery, and a multi-stream forest is the scenery of a picnic in the mountains, which is a representative form of mountainous streams landscape. In the upper-middle stream, the water-surface and gazebo type is predominant. In the lower stream, the sandy-gazebo typ scenery is predominant and the sandy depiction is unique to lower stream landscape. Pile sandy-dock type is life scenes where human activity highlighted, is a representative form of the lower stream landscapes. The characteristic of the coastal landscape is the serpentine rock scenery on the beach and the wave-serpentine rock type that forms the main coastal landscape. The study aims to propose significant design elements for a natural waterfront landscape planning based on the analysis of landscape in the paintings of Jeong Seon.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.26
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• pp.71-106
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• 2008

The objective of this research is to reconstruct an aristocratic officer's travels by analysing Yu, hee-chun's diary, Miamilgi. Yu had kept his diary for eighty three months, from October 1567 to May 1577, and there were twenty six times of travel logs which are analysed in this research. As a result of the analysis, his travels can be divided into official travels and private travels. Sixteen times of official travels were comprised of inspection tours for parishes as a superintendent of Jeonra province, trips to supervise maintenance works of royal tombs and to worship the tombs, to carry out the sanjae (rituals in the mountains) as a second minister of the ministry of rites. It was difficult for him to have private travels as he continually served as a royal officer. He had got only 10 times of private travels during the eighty three months for maintaining the ancestor's tomb and worshiping the ancestors, for recuperating himself and his wife, and for constructing his new house. All of these travels were long-distance ones. In terms of his travel routes, he frequently used royal main trunks, e.g. 'Haenamro' (from Seoul to Damyang), which were maintained by the royal government. The main reason of his frequent using of trunk lines was that convenience facilities such as the royal post stations (Yeok) and royal inns (Won) were equipped well in these roads so it was easy to get horse change services and lodging and boarding. The fact that main trunks were chiefly straight lines and the shortest way was rather secondary reason. On the other hand, when he was a superintendent of Junra province, he had four times of round inspection on all parishes of Junra province, following the tour routs covering all over the province. As he was incumbent royal officer, he started his travel by getting a permission from the king. Simultaneously, he made ready some travel items. Among the items, horse was most important one for the journey. After finishing all the preparing processes before the departure, he had special farewell ceremony for the King, Sookbae, and had a small party with his friends called Jeonbeul. Main transportation means for his travel was horse, and many kinds of horses such as royal government's horse, Yeokma, local government's horse, Swema, as well as his private one were used. Additionally, he used a palanquin while he was doing inspection trip as a superintendent of Junra province. Yu was incumbent officer so he mostly lodged in local government guest houses. If he could not find out any local guest house, he was lodged in royal inn, and in his relatives houses or irregularly in buddhist temples. Most meals were supplied by local royal governments. The activities in his journeys were varied on his travel objectives. In his private journey, it was the main activities that maintaining ancestor's tombs and having a memorial service. During the trip, he visited his relatives. His official trips, on the other hand, had a regularity. Main activities were dealing with public works, and visiting Hyanggyo (country public school). However in the midway, he visited his relatives and had a journey to scenic places.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.119-151
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• 2018

This paper is a study of the historical significance of The water and land ceremony performed by Bongeunsa temple in the Joseon Dynasty. The Bongeunsa temple was originally a hermitage named Geungseongam, which was located in the Hakdang-dong, Gwangju County, Gyeonggi Province. After that, Geungseongam was named as Geungseongsa temple. Geungseongsa temple was left in that position and acted as the Temples belonging to Royal Tombs(陵寢寺, TRT) of the King Sungjong, later the name of the temple was changed to Bongeunsa Temple. As a result of movement of the royal tomb of the Joongjong(靖陵) next to the royal tomb of Sungjong, the Bongeunsa was also used as a TRT of the Seonjeongneung royal tomb. After that, the grandson of the King Joongjong, crown prince Soonhoe early passed away, Buddhist shrine (願堂) was set in Bongeunsa temple. Bongeunsa temple remained as a royal prayer place, serving as a Buddhist shrine for crown prince Soonhoe and serving as a Jopo temples for Seonjeongneung royal tomb until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. From the time when it was called Geungseongam to the time after when it was renamed as Bongeunsa Temple, this temple performed The water and land ceremony. But the characters changed little by little. From the King Sejo to King Sungjong, The water and land ceremony characterized Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for prince Gwangpyeong, King Sejong, Queen Soehan and served as the Buddhist memorial praying for the well being of the royal family and people. From the time of the King Yonsan to the time of King Myeongjong, The water and land ceremony had strong characters for Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for King. In the late Joseon Dynasty, Bongeunsa Temple served as the royal party of The water and land ceremony. On the other hand, after the Manchu war of 1636, Bongeunsa Temple also served as the national water and land ceremony for the victims who were killed in the mountains of Namhan. In the Joseon dynasty, The water and land ceremony performed by Bongeunsa Temple was strongly directed for Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for royal family members, and Bongeunsa Temple was maintained as a royal prayer throughout the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.40-52
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• 2021

Various peoples lived in Changbai Mountain in each era, and the peoples of each period regarded Changbai Mountain as part of their own religious culture. Existing studies on the culture of Changbai Mountain are conducted only based on the events of a specific period, but how the sacredness of Changbai Mountain has changed from time to time, how it is related to the religious culture of the people of each period, and how sacred the areas and spaces have changed. There has been no research to that extent. The purpose of this study is to examine and analyze the meaning of Changbai Mountain's sacredness that has changed from time to time. In order to examine the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain through synchronicity, the study focused on the hierophany occurring between the religious culture of the peoples of each period and the space of Changbai Mountain. Specifically, the activities to protect the sacred objects and sacred spaces revealed by the hierophany were considered, and the change of the sanctity of Changbai Mountain was interpreted with the derived results. The summary of the results of this study is as follows. The sacred activities of Changbai Mountain have changed from time to time. During the pre-Qing dynasty, civilians performed incarnation rites, holy god rites, mountain god ceremonies, and willow god rites for livelihood and survival, and the king of the Jin dynasty offered rituals to the Changbai Mountain gods as rituals such as Four Mountains(Yuezhen). During the Qing Dynasty, the emperor built Wangji Temple and sent a government official to make a ritual to the Changbai Mountain god as the best ritual to symbolize the country. In modern times, Bagua Temple was built on the top of Changbai Mountain and sacrifices were made to the Changbai Mountain gods, and the nature of Changbai Mountain. Humans living in Changbai Mountain area were judged through the tricks of the Bagua Mountain. In addition, during this period, civilians performed ritual activities centering on the god Shanshenlaobatou, who personified life and production. In summary, the sacred activities of Changbai Mountain were shamanistic rituals based on animistic ideology in the pre-Qing dynasty, the best imperial rites for honoring the sacred as an imperial sanctuary in the Qing dynasty, and the Taoist ideology of migrants in the modern period. It had been transformed into a ceremonial activity. And the meaning of Changbai Mountain, viewed as a sacred activity, was elevated from the mountain of livelihood in the pre-Qing dynasty to the mountain of the nation in the Qing dynasty, and then changed to the mountain of modern production.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.3
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• pp.11-37
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• 2021

Korean ginseng is the one of the most famous medicinal herbs globally and has long been a representative item of East Asian trade, including across China and Japan. Since Joseon (1392-1910) ginseng trade was entirely controlled by the state, The Veritable Records of the Joseon Dynasty are a valuable resource that can shed light on the history of the ginseng industry at that time. By studying the subsection "The Veritable Records of King Sejong" (世宗實錄), when ginseng was used even more widely, we assess the purpose and scale of its trade in the 15th century, identify its original listing in the geographical appendix, develop a distribution map, and explore similarities to current ginseng cultivation areas. During the reign of King Sejong (1418-1450), ginseng was sent to China as a tribute 101 times, with a combined weight of 7,060 kilograms, with less than one-third of that amount given to Japan and Okinawa. It was used to cover the travel expenses of foreign envoys and servants, but this can be seen to gradually decrease after the regnal mid-term, primarily due to a decrease in the amount of ginseng being collected. At the time, there were 113 areas of naturally growing ginseng as listed in the records' geographical appendix, including 12 recorded in the 'tributes' category: Yeongdeok-gun, Yeongju, and Cheongsong-gun in Gyeongsangbuk-do; Ulju-gun and Ulsan in Gyeongsangnam-do; Jeongeup, Wanju-gun, and Jangsu-gun in Jeollabuk-do; Hwasun-gun in Jeollanam-do; Goksan-gun and Sinpyeong-gun in Hwanghaebuk-do; Jeongju and Taecheon-gun in Pyeonganbuk-do; and Jaseong-gun and Junggang-gun in Jagang-do. A total of 101 places are recorded in the 'medicinal herbs' category, located throughout the mountains of the eight Joseon provinces, except the islands. In comparison with current ginseng cultivation sites, many of these historical areas are either consistent with or adjacent to contemporary locations. The geographical appendix to "The Veritable Records of King Sejong" was compiled in the early days of the king's reign (1432) when there was a lot of wild ginseng. The appendix is a valuable resource that indicates the possibility of growing ginseng on the Korean Peninsula in the future. The apparently natural habitats in the south, where ginseng is not currently cultivated, could be candidates for the future. Moreover, areas in the north where ginseng has not been grown, except Kaesǒng, could be a good alternative under sustainable inter-Korean exchange should cultivation sites move north due to climate warming.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.209-242
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• 2021

This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.331-358
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• 2020

This paper is a study of Kim Si-seup's maniacal tendency. The properties of mania can be divided into two categories. One is mental mania wherein the mind has fallen into madness, and the other is morphological mania wherein madness is revealed in real world actions. This thesis analyzes two aspects of the madness of Kim Si-seup, who showed madness in the morphological dimension as well as madness of the mind in the Joseon Dynasty. One notion that is analyzed is 'Longing to never return', and the other is 'To live in obscurity, yet practice wonders.' Kim Si-seup was a promising talent when he was young and was a so-called "infant prodigy." However, when 'Saejo' took the throne of 'Danjong,' he left the house on the road to 'burn all the books' and became a monk as a way of disappearing from the world. Thereafter, Kim Si-seup gave up on the test to become a bureaucrat and lived in hiding while doing strange things while he falsely pretended to be "crazy." He never felt regret hearing others describe him as a strange person. He lived a life of not returning to the mundane world for a long time as he traveled through famous mountains and streams. Also, he pursued a life in 'the world outside the world' without any greed. Sometimes he expresses his own free spirit and madness through poetry with 'what he talks about' and 'wonderful words.' This life was far from a form of neutralization aesthetics achieved by pursuing a 'gentle and magnanimous' life as claimed by Confucian scholars. Kim Si-seup, sometimes referred to as 'a maniac with mental clarity,' directed his efforts at 'false maniacal behavior,' 'weird behavior,' 'life pursuing the world outside the world,' and 'life of breaking off one's relationship with the world.' This maniac-like life of Kim Si-seup was not crazy but conveyed a deep desire to criticize the absurd reality of Joseon society at the time. Regarding Kim Si-seup, Li Hwang criticizes him for wishing 'to live in obscurity yet practice wonders.' Unlike Li Hwang, Yi Yi, who wrote The Records of Kim Si-seup when commissioned to do so by Sun Jo, positively evaluated Kim Si-seup as "a Confucian who followed Buddhism." Although the contents of these evaluations of Kim Si-seup were different, both agreed that Kim Si-seup was a maniacally-oriented individual. Kim Si-seup, who was mentally maniacal and morphological maniacal, represents a unique case in the study history of the Joseon Dynasty, wherein the 'the doctrines of Zhu Zi' exerted great influence.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.187-242
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• 2022

This article was conducted with the purpose of finding the religious meaning of Jeongeup (井邑) by paying attention to two areas of inquiry. The first examines religious interpretations of the place names of peaks, mountains, and villages that have already existed have existed since ancient times. The second area of inquiry looks into religious narratives about Jeongeup that appear in scriptural records of the Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth (1901~1909) as performed by Kang Jeungsan. Looking at these to areas of inquiry together, the place names and topography inherent in Jeongeup and Kang Jeungsan's various Jeongeup-related Reordering Works, can be summarized as embodying characteristics of 'beginning (始)' and 'origin (本)' which can be further likened to the meaning of 'water (水)' in a 'well (井).' First, Jeongeup equates to the heavenly origin of the Gucheon Sangje (Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven) faith in Jeungsan Thought. Mangje (Emperor-awaiting) Peak is a peak that represent the wish for the Lord's descent to earth. Seonmang (Immortal-awaiting) Village is a village that was waiting for an immortal. Jeung (Steamer-on-Cauldron) Mountain (Jeungsan 甑山) is a mountain on the earth and also the honorific name later taken by Kang Il-Sun. In relation to Jeungsan, it is interpreted that Jeungsan was born and incarnated in the village as a human in response to a plea from all divine sages, buddhas, and bodhisattvas, who had existed since the dawn of time and came to wish for salvation of humankind. This is because both Mangje Peak and Seonmang Village are connected to the meaning of 'mang (望 to await).' Second, the Reordering Works of Jeungsan which related to Jeongeup show that Jeongeup has carries the meaning of 'beginning (始源)' and 'origin (本源).' The character, Jeong (井), in Jeongeup is seen as a place that contains water energy, and symbols and allusions referring to this can be found in various Reordering Works. As a symbol or allusion, the well can be seen as a new start, the lives of all people of the world, the purification of the world, and returning to the original root everything. These symbolic images can be found in the life of Kang Jeungsan from his incarnation to his passing into Heaven. This is because Jeong can allude to the origin by the Ninth Heaven, the beginning of the Later World's paradisiacal land of immortals, and the end of the Former World (Seoncheon 先天).

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.6
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• pp.80-92
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• 2021

Mount Tai, with an elevation of 1,532 meters, has a reputation as 'The Most Revered of the Five Sacred Mountains(五嶽獨尊)', despite not being the highest mountain in China. The literati of the past dynasties created a multitude of works based on the landscape of Mount Tai. Traditional literature is a part of national culture that directly reflects the national characteristics and styles, and is an important part of humanities, which can be linked to landscapes. The purpose of this study is to investigate the landscape elements and characteristics of Mount Tai by analyzing the landscape types and elements and the Kernel Density, Mean Center and Standard Deviational Ellipse of the landscape elements appearing in the representative poems of traditional literature. The research results of this study are summarized as follows. First, Mount Tai is a scenic spot dominated by human activities, different from the natural landscape of prior research related to scenic spots. Second, among the landscape elements of Mount Tai, the importance of "sunrise", "cyan", "towering" and "majestic", "Divine Dragon" is confirmed, symbolizing the hope, brightness, vitality, national stability and prosperity represented by Mount Tai, which can explain the leadership position of Mount Tai. Third, it can be found from the poems about Mount Tai that various landscape elements were embodied in belief (the behavior of gods or emperors) in the Pre-Qin, Sui and Tang dynasties, while in modern times, landscape elements are shown by action (climbing and looking far into distance), so it can be said that the landscape elements have changed from belief landscapes to experience landscapes. Fourth, the spatial distribution of landscape elements in the past dynasties was widely distributed in the Daiding(岱頂). Approaching the modern times, the mean center moved from south outside of Mount Tai to the summit of Mount Tai, and the spatial distribution changed from a widely scattered distribution to narrow linear distribution centered on Mount Tai. The present study is of great significance to provide key factors or spaces for future landscape protection and restoration of Mount Tai.

• Korean Journal of Environment and Ecology
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• v.35 no.6
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• pp.594-600
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to observe the period of mating calls of cicadas in South Korea to identify the emergence period and geographic distribution for each cicada species. The study sites were 19 protection areas nationwide. The mating calls of cicadas were collected over the 12 months of 2019. A bioacoustics measuring device was installed to record the mating calls of cicadas in WAV, 44,100Hz format for 1 minute every hour. The temperature was recorded once or twice every hour using a micro-meteorological measuring device. Nine species of Korean cicadinae were studied. The start and end periods of mating calls were recorded for each cicada species for the subsequent analysis. The analysis results showed that nine cicada species appeared in the 19 protection areas. The chronological order of mating call periods for each species was as follows: Cryptotympana atrata (7/12 - 9/30), Meimuna opalifera (7/27 - 10/20), Hyalessa fuscata (7/25 - 10/9), Graptopsaltria nigrofuscata (7/28 - 9/5), Platypleura kaempferi (7/3 - 9/29), Suisha coreana (9/14 - 10/30), Leptosemia takanonis (6/26 - 8/2), Auritibicen intermedius (7/27 - 9/28), and Meimuna mongolica (8/8 - 9/11). The mating call period was between 35 (Meimuna mongolica) and 89 (Platypleura kaempferi) days, with the average being 62 days. The elevation above sea level for the habitats of each species was as follows: 5 - 386 m for Cryptotympana atrata, 7 - 759 m for Meimuna opalifera, 7 - 967 m for Hyalessa fuscata, 42 - 700m for Graptopsaltria nigrofuscata, 7 - 700 m for Platypleura kaempferi, 5 - 759 m for Suisha coreana, 7 - 759 m for Leptosemia takanonis, 397 - 967 m for Auritibicen intermedius, and 7 - 42 m for Meimuna mongolica. The average temperature of the habitats of each species was as follows: 23.9℃ for Cryptotympana atrata, 21.8℃ for Meimuna opalifera, 22℃ for Hyalessa fuscata, 23℃ for Graptopsaltria nigrofuscata, 22.9℃ for Platypleura kaempferi, 14.6℃ for Suisha coreana, 20.6℃ for Leptosemia takanonis, 19.3℃ for Auritibicen intermedius, and 24.4℃ for Meimuna mongolica. In terms of the habitat distribution of species, Meimuna opalifera, Hyalessa fuscata, and Platypleura kaempferi were distributed in more than 15 protection sites. Cryptotympana atrata was distributed in the lowlands in the southwest. Graptopsaltria nigrofuscata was distributed in the western area of the Korean Peninsula. Suisha coreana was distributed in areas excluding high mountain areas and parts of the southeast area. Leptosemia takanonis was distributed in areas near the mountains. Auritibicen intermedius was distributed locally in the high mountain areas. Meimuna mongolica was distributed locally in flat wetlands.