• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.149-167
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• 2001

Today, every culture has taken on the compromise form by means of the cultural difference, variety, and pluralism according to the internationalization and the advance so that it has been developed toward the half-blooded and multilayered the aspect. In accordance with this current of the times, this thesis observed the feminism found in the multiculturism of the end of the 20th century, the third world, and technology with the side of the tendency of modern fashion, considered the hybride phenomenon which is pulling down the wall between culture and genre due to the social diversification. and predicted the fashion trend do 21st century serf on it. Multiculturism is the movement that began to arise in the academic world of America and the literary world form the close of 1980's in accepting the variety of culture and regarding the culture with the more balanced and wide view and just as it is, it means the attitude of accepting one or more cultures of variely and the position of taking interest in the culture of minority race not the culture of a governing race. It is the fashion of feminism adapts dualism like unisex, androgynous look, etc of bisexual lendency in the 1980's, it shows new style with crossover of liberal sense because there is not the difference of sex in fashion. The eco-feminism pursues the natural sexuality not being instrumental and dismantling and expressed it in the Gender expression of an integrated human being. The trend of ethnic fashion in the close of 20th century is that the element of hippie is working so strongly. By adding embroidery of Oriental style, accessories of Indian style, feathers, beads, a hempen hood to the ethnic costumes of Asia and Latin, is shows the figure of ethnic hippie. As the cycler fashion is the future clothes through technology of computer, it uses a cool glass material bringing up the image of a spacesuit in order to expresses cyber image through artificial color combination of sheen colors, Though this techno-color fashion has established the fresh stimulation and the innovative aspect with ultramodern materials and image of futurism, it transmits a hope of estranged people and the natural elements. Hybride means a cross and mixture of animal and plant in Korean and is also called fusion. The phenomenon of hybrid predicts to comes the period of a cross and variation because something completely new comes into the world by contamination, mixture and compromise through meeting something different each other and it has on advantage of developing something existing to one more stage. It is prospected that in the society of 21st century, the borderline of traditional gender will be disappeared, variety and individuality will determine the individual behavior, and the masculine value will be substituted by feminine value. In the society giving priority to feminine value, a fashion stuck closely to women is what must reflect lives of woman under the proposition of woman's beauty, being on original function. So, it is considered that a fashion with added convenience and practicality having the function which is easy to put on, comfortable to act, able to express solves so much, and able to show various appearances according to T.P.O will get into the spotlight.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.413-435
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• 2008

This study is purposed to analyze the appearances and functions of ellipsis of case markers through the Hangul letters of Hyun-Poong Kwak's family in the early 17th century. Hangul letters appear more colloquial than typography, and ellipsis is the one of main features of it. Generally, 'ellipsis' occurs when a constituent of a sentence deliberately leaves out of a sentence, because it is repeated or can be deduced by the context or occasion. As Hangul letter is written for a specific person, 'ellipsis' occurs more often than typography written for unspecified individuals. The ellipsis of case markers are not an exception. The ellipsis has functions as follow. The first, function is 'brevity.' Communication can be more convenient by ellipsis. Next will be 'informality.' Informality caused by ellipsis can make people express their thoughts and feelings fluently and naturally. It is the reason that spoken language has more frequently occurred ellipses than written language. The third function is 'quickness.' The same information can be delivered more quickly by the sentence using ellipsis than not using. In the 21st Century, ellipsis is misused in netizen communication owing to the quickness. The last function should be 'the effect of a literary style.' The effects can embody through ellipsis such as 'rhythm effect', 'letter style effect', 'translation style effect.' As a result of analyzing ellipsis of case markers, frequency follows the order below.[subjective objective > Locative > Dative > Commutative > Instrumental]

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.273-292
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• 2008

Among all the ingredients usedin mandu, the following types were used:, 13 types of grains were used (12.38%), 30 types of vegetables, fruits, bulbs,and nuts were used (28.57%), 32 types of marine products, birds, meats, fishes, and shellfishes were used (30.48%), 10 types of functional ingredients were used (9.52%) and. For spices, 20 types of spices were used (19.05%). 2. Cooking Methods offor Mandu. The mMandu eaten at in the early Joseon era had was primarily made ofusedbuckwheat that contained boiled tofu or egg uiijuk in the kneaded dough for the most part and while kneading with buckwheat, the tofu or egg uiijuk has been boiled down to knead the dough, and and starch powder, bean powder, or rice powder, etc were mixed to make the mandu coating. Buckwheat powder was mixed toadded to the flourwer or was used by itself, while meat, vegetables, tofu, and shiitake mushroom, etc were also addedincluded. From the 18th century, the host plant, or cabbage kimchi, were prepared and combined had been sliced to be used as filling together while red pepper powder was mixed combined withto spices or vinegar soy sauce to be used together. Also, Radishes had beenwere also used as filling, but shown as not being used fromafter the start of the 1900's. For the shape of mMandu, it was madeinto different shapes such as as triangle, rectangle, date plum, gwebul, half moon, or pomegranate shapes, and then shapes to be boiled in simmering water, baked, or cooked as soup in clear broth for soup., In the 17th to 18th century, boilingthen in a steamer gradually became a cooking style, assumed the style of boiling in a steamer in $17th{\sim}18th$ century while in the 16th century,the an essay ofn fermenting flour in ‘Food Dimibang’ in 16th century had indicated it was cooked as the style ofby steaming in a rice steamer. Also, Mandu may have also contained the following: the thin-cut and boiled fish was cut out thin to put into the filling and boiled down, made by putting in added pine nuts after making bbeef jerky or boiled- down meat, fish, or shellfish itself to extractsand mold mandu only the ingredients combined withto put on starch powder, and then boiled down and put on pine nut powder finally, after it or cooled it wasdown to be eaten by dipping in vinegar soy sauce. In conclusion, many different types of mandu were made during the Joseon era using a variety ofwhile the ones using such various ingredients. are also one type of mandu.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.2
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• pp.114-131
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• 2014

The Portrait of Yang Zhuxi(楊竹西小像) at the Palace Museum in Beijing holds important significance as one of the rare portraits from Yuan Period and as a painting with a definite year of creation in 1363. It is also noteworthy in that it is the only remaining work of Wang Yi(王繹), who was one of the critical portrait painters during the second half of Yuan Period and the author of Xiexiang Mijue(寫像秘訣), the first book on the portrait theories, that it was created in conjunction with Ni Zan(倪瓚), one of the utmost landscape painters of the times, and that it was an early case of landscape and figure painting-format portraits. The figure in Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was originally known as Yang Wu(楊瑀), a high official during Yuan Period, but it was a misunderstanding on the part of Li Rihua(李日華), a literary figure from Ming Dynasty. The actual model was Yang Qian(楊謙), a reclusive literary figure in the Songjiang(松江) region. Yang Qian is estimated as one of the central figures with a high reputation in the literary community of Jiangnan those days. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi was depicted by borrowing the icon of such hermits as Su Shih(蘇軾), which seems like a proper choice to express Yang Zhuxi, a reclusive literary figure. Furthermore, the rocks and pine trees described by Ni Zan reinforced the significance of the portrait through their traditional symbolism of man of virtue and man of letters, respectively. Portrait of Yang Zhuxi used the Baimiao Manner(白描法), thus being differentiated from other portraits from the same period. Even though there is no coloring in the painting, it boasts more excellent realism than colored portraits. It expressed the body with the graceful and controlled Li Gonglin(李公麟) and Zhao Mengfu(趙孟?) style Baimiao Manner, raising its dignity further. In terms of functions, Portrait of Yang Zhuxi is strongly characterized by the appreciative function unlike other portraits focused on the ceremonial function. Being created to be viewed and appreciated by the model himself and his friends, the portrait was very significant to promote their friendship. However, there was a great intention to reflect the emotions of the model himself and his friends in the painting beyond the simple appreciation level.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.41
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• pp.179-217
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• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.243-272
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• 2022

Jeongeup, Jeollabuk-do, is an area that requires attention from those who study the history of Korean thought. In addition, Jeongeup is an area wherein many works were recorded for the first time in literary history. This is the case with Jeongeupsa as a style of Baekje songs and the lyrics of the noble families of the Joseon Dynasty, Sangchungok. Jeongeup is likewise the location where Choi Chi-won (857~?) was selected to serve as a local taesu (viceroy) and where a unique tradition of music and style were passed down. In this paper, the relationship between Choi Chi-won's role in the process of establishing a silent Confucian academy in Jeongeup and the emergence of scholar culture was examined. When Choi Chi-won left after his term in office, a birth shrine called Taesansa Temple was built to repay the selection of the villagers, and it became the source that led to the opening of the Confucian academy Museongseowon in the future. Jeongeup will be shown to be the location where Choi Chi-won realized his aspirations and honed his capabilities. In particular, Choi Chi-won's played a crucial role in the mid-Joseon Dynasty by supporting the construction and securing the name of Museongseowon. That is why Choi Chi-won was able to be revived as a symbolic figure in the region. In addition, it can be seen that the shape of Choi Chi-won was more sedentary- in the form of a Confucian scholar- and Confucian scholars emphasized the transfer of portraits at Museongseowon. Through the poetry written by Choi Chi-won, readers can learn about the worries and perceptions of scholars during those times. Although his value in the field of poetry is diverse, he can especially be recognized as a Confucian intellectual. In a large number of his works, he expresses his anxiety, agony, and critical inner consciousness all of which came from his encounter with the realities of his time. In fact, Choi Chi-won showed his qualities as a prominent literary figure of his time who had extraordinary aspirations and an admirable work ethic. However, he failed to overcome his regional and mental alienation as a poet in neighboring countries. Therefore, he internalized a sort of fierceness in terms of his perception of the world. However, it seems that it was rather a factor that made his work exhibit a strong lyrical style. In addition, Choi Chi-won's collection of writings includes a number of works that strongly criticized various forms of pathological phenomena caused by terminal phenomena of the time. He also highlighted the wrong in society by realistically depicting the lives poor and needy people and their eventual sacrifice via distorted relationships. This can be read encapsulating the agony of intellectuals of that time. The dictionary definition of a 'Confucian scholar' is "a Confucian term referring to a person or class that embodies Confucian ideology," and in its contemporary meaning it suggests " ⋯ an example of a personality, but not an identity, and the conscience of one's time period as a source of human morality inwardly and social order outwardly." In this respect, it could even be said that Choi Chi-won could be considered the originator of scholar culture.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.87-96
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• 2013

This study confirmed that a doctor named Lee, Seok-gan whose name has been widely known but whose real identity has remained unclear, was an active Confucian doctor in the 16th century. In addition, through the newly discovered "Daeyakbu" among his family line, writings, and relics that have been handed down in a family, this study looked into his medical philosophy and medicine culture. The author of "Ieseokgangyeongheombang"(Medical Book by Lee, Seok-gan(李石澗), Seok-gan is the same person as an active famous doctor Lee, Seok-gan(李碩幹, 1509-1574) in the 16th century. Such a fact can be confirmed through "Samuiilheombang", "Sauigyeongheombang" and the newly opened "Ieseokgangyeongheombang". Lee, Seok-gan was born in the 4th ruling year of king Jungjong (1509) and was active as a doctor until the 7th ruling year of king Seonjo(1547); his first name is Jungim with the pen name-Chodang, and he used a doctor name of 'Seokgan.' He was known as a divine doctor, and there have been left lots of anecdotes in relation with Lee, Seok-gan. Legend has it that Seokgan went to China to give treatment to the empress, and a heavenly peach pattern drinking cup and a house, which the emperor bestowed on Seokgan in return for his great services, still have remained up to the present. Usually, Seokgan interacted with Toegye Lee Hwang and his literary persons, and with his excellent medical skills, Seokgan once gave treatment to Toegye at the time of his death free of charge. His medical skills have been handed down in his family, and his descendant Lee, Ui-tae(around 1700) compiled a medical book titled "Gyeongheombangwhipyeon(經驗方彙編)". Out of Lee, Seok-gan's keepsakes which were donated to Sosu museums by his descendant family, 4 sorts of 'Gwabu'(writings of fruit trees) including "Daeyakbu" were discovered. It's rare to find a literary work left by a medical figure like this, so these discoveries have a deep meaning even from a medicine culture level. Particularly, "Daeyakbu" includes the typical "Uigukron". The "Uigukron", which develops its story by contrasting politics with medicine, has a unique writing style as one of the representative explanatory methods of scholars' position during the Joseon Dynasty; in addition, the distinctive feature of "Uigukron" is that it was created in the form of 'Gabu' other than a prose.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.179-214
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to reconsider the background of the acceptance and formation of Manmun Manhwa in colonial Joseon. It raises questions about previous discussions that cartoons have emerged as a political product of Japan's suppression of the media. Through this, this paper look at other possibilities in consideration of the colonial Joseon's situation of inner movement and the influx of popular culture. The term "Manmun-Manhwa" was first used in 1925, not by Ahn Seok-Ju. In addition, Ahn Seok-Ju returned home after studying in Tokyo and developed a cartoon in earnest. This paper traces the background and meaning of his interest in universal comics. Ahn Seok-Ju emphasized literary characteristics and image to all cartoonists. This marked the birth of a cartoonist with literary qualities and a cartoonist with the ability to write. This represents the cultural scene of the 1920s and 1930s, which was reorganized from text-oriented to Image text, with the emergence of a unique style of universal comics. In the end, Manmun Manhwa(comics) have emerged as the purpose of modern journalism and a strategy to popularize them. Considering the circumstances of this era, the acceptance of Manmun Manhwa is being examined in various ways in the connection between comics and essays. Like this, Manmun Manhwa are an important symbol of the colonial cultural arena, reorganizing not only cartoon history but also modern media into image text.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.5-50
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• 2002

This paper aims to illustrate and illuminate the relationship between language and its neighbor disciplines, in particular between language and literature, language and religion, and language and music. 1. Language and literature. Literature is an art of language. Therefore, linguistics, the science of language, should be able to explain how the grammar of literature elevates and ordinary language into a literary language. I illustrate poetic syntax with examples from Shelley, Coleridge, and Wordsworth. 2. Language and religion. I show how a linguistic analysis of a religious text can illuminate the background, authorship, chronology, etc., of a religious text with an example from the Book of Daniel. I also illustrate how a misanalysis of a poetic meter led to a mistranslation with an example from the Book of Psalms. 3. Language and music. First I trace an epochal event in the history of the Western music, i.e., the change of the musical style from the liturgical music of Latin in which the rhythm was created by the alternation of syllable duration into the liberated music of German in which the rhythm was generated by the alternation of lexical stress. I then illustrate a parallelism between linguistic and musical structures with several musical pieces including Gregorian chant, the 16th century music of Palestrina, the 17th century music of Schutz, the 18th century music of Mozart, and the 19th century Viennese music. Finally, the importance of text-tune (verse-melody) association is discussed with examples of mismatches in translated Korean hymns and contemporary Korean lyrical songs. In the concluding part, I speculate on some factors that are responsible for the same organizational devices in three different modes of human communication. An answer may be that all are under the same laws of mind that govern the way man perceives and organizes nature, i.e., the same cognitive abilities of man, in particular, the capacity to organize and impose structure on their respective inputs.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.121-126
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper is to report a newly discovered book whose title is Ikkam (翼鑑) and prepare for a full-scale study. The book, Ikkam, has a variety of contexts in which it seems to be written by Park Ji-won. First, 'Sanin' in 'Yeonam-Sanin' is consistent with the behaviors of Yeonam Park Ji-won who lived in hiding in the Yeonam valley in 1777. In addition, many statements written in the introduction, such as "as we stick to the old things, we do not know a makeshift", "we are well versed in changes" and "many soldiers are not always good" remind us of other writings of Park Ji-won. Moreover, he writes the statements using antithesis. It is the force of writing style of a literary person who is not engaged in medical service. In addition, he puts six qi in the introduction, but it is not as sophisticated as Jejungsinpyeon (濟衆新編). It suggests that this book may be published earlier than Jejungsinpyeon. When comparing Ikkam with Euimunbogam (醫門寶鑑) and Jejungsinpyeon, it seems common to place six qi in the introduction at the time. In addition, through this book, we find that Park Ji-won known as a writer of Geumryosocho (金蓼小抄) has fairly much knowledge in the medicine. We can estimate his passion and depth about the medicine through a longing for a new medical book shown in the introduction of Geumryosocho. However, various approaches to similar disease symptoms shown in the introduction help us to recognize his true qualities in the medicine. In addition, like other experience prescriptions, this book excludes prescriptions using medicinal herbs with toxicity or rare medicinal herbs in the situation with a limited supply of them in remote areas but includes prescriptions which are widely used. It shows that experience prescriptions in the Joseon Dynasty are effective to specifically identify medicinal herbs and prescriptions which are widely used in Korea. These values cannot be compensated by Donguibogam (東醫寶鑑) which has an infinite value.