• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.239-245
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• 2005

Purpose: Hypereosinophilic syndrome (HES) is an infiltrative disease of eosinophils affecting multiple organs including the iung. F-18 2-fluoro-2-deoxyglucose (F-18 FDG) may accumulate at sites of inflammation or injection, making interpretation of whole body PET scan difficult in patients with cancer. This study was to evaluate the PET findings of HES with lung involvement and to find out differential PET features between lung malignancy and HES with lung involvement. Material and Methods: F-18 FDG PET and low dose chest CT scan was performed for screening of lung cancer. light patients who showed ground-glass attenuation (GGA) and consolidation on chest CT scan with peripheral blood eosinophilia werr included in this study. The patients with history of parasite infection, allergy and collagen vascular disease were excluded. CT features and FDG PET findings were meticulously evaluated for the distribution of GGA and consolidation and nodules on CT scan and mean and maximal SUV of abnormalities depicted on F-18 FDG PET scan. In eight patients, follow-up chest CT scan and FDG PET scan were done one or two weeks after initial study. Results: F-18 FDG PET scan identified metabolically active lesions in seven out of eight patients. Maximal SUV was ranged from 2.8 to 10.6 and mean SUV was ranged from 2.2 to 7.2. Remaining one patient had maximal SUV of 1.3. On follow-up FDG PET scan taken on from one to four weeks later showed decreased degree of initially noted FDG uptakes or migration of previously noted abnormal FDG uptakes. Conclusions: Lung involvement in the HES might be identified as abnormal uptake foci on FDG PET scan mimicking lung cancer. Follow-up FDG PET and CT scan for the identification of migration or resolution of abnormalities and decrement of SUV would be of help for the differentiation between lung cancer and HES with lung involvement.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.36-44
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• 1980

This study was conducted in order to obtain basic information for the development of a special compound fertilizer of the trials for chestnut tree cultivation in 1979-1980. Results were as follows: 1. Differences in growth performence after application of single, compound and special compound fertilizer was not significant, but fertilized showed more vigorous growth compared to control plots (without fertilizer). 2. Appearance of Chestnut strobile-drops was observed at: 62.2 % in control plots, 37-50 % in each single and compound fertilizer plots and in those with the double amount of compound fertilizer, 0.7 % in special compound fertilizer plots, 6.2 % in those with double amount of special compound fertilizer. 3. Riped strobiles were collected: 249 in compound fertilizer plots, 625 in special compound fertilizer plots, 391 in double amount of compound fertilizer plots, 816 in double amount of special compound fertilizer plots. 4. The production of chestnuts was: 4,662g in single fertilizer plots, 4,678g in compound fertilizer plots, 28,880g special compound fertilizer plots, 11,736g double amount of compound fertilizer plots, 33,073g double amount of special compound fertilizer plots. There was on significant differences of chestnut production between single fertilizer plots and compound fertilizer plot, but the production in double amount of special compound fertilizer plots was three time higher than in double amount of compound fertilizer plots. 5. The amount of chestnut production in 1980 dcereased compared to 1979 in single and compound fertilize plots due to shortage of sun light and high precipitation in the vegetation period but increased two times more in 1980 compared to 1979 in double amount of compound fertilizer and double amount of specific compound fertilizer plots. 6. Observation of these fertilizer-trial-plots will be continued during the next years in order to obtain more specific datas.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.225-233
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• 1978

Uptake and distribution of labelled urea, $NH{_4}^+$, and $NO{_3}^-$ by Tongil and Jinheung rice grown with each nitrogen source until ear formation stage under water culture system were as follows. 1. When the previous nitrogen source was same as one tested the uptake rate ($mg^{15}N/g$ d.w. root 2hrs, at $28^{\circ}C$ light) was great in the order of $NH_4$ >urea> $NO_3$ and higher (especially $NH_4$) in Tongil than in Jinheung. Rate limiting step (slowest) seems to be exist at R (root)${\rightarrow}$LS(leaf sheath) for urea, LS${\rightarrow}$LB(leaf blade) for $NH_4$ and M(medium)${\rightarrow}$R for $NO_3$. The fast step of translocation appeare to be at M${\rightarrow}$R for urea R${\rightarrow}$LS for $NH_4$ and LS${\rightarrow}$LB for $NO_3$. 2. The uptake rate of $NH_4$ by the urea-fed plant increased almost linearly from $18^{\circ}C$ via $28^{\circ}C$ to $38^{\circ}C$ in Tongil ($Q_{10}$=1.21 and 1.32 respectively) while no change in Jinheung ($Q_{10}$=0.99 and 1.00 respectively). It decreased by 12% in Jinheung under dark but uo change in Tongil. 3. The uptake rate of nitrogen source by different source-fed plant was great in the order of $NH_4{\rightarrow}^{15}NO_3$ $NO_3{\rightarrow}^{15}NH_4$, $urea{\rightarrow}^{15}NO_3$ and higher (especially $NH_4{\rightarrow}^{15}NO_3$) in Tongil. In the case of $urea{\rightarrow}^{15}NH_4$ it was same in $NH_4{\rightarrow}^{15}NO_3$ for Tongil and slightly lower than that in $NO_3{\rightarrow}^{15}NH_4$ for Jinheung. It was lower (especially Tongil) in $NH_4{\rightarrow}^{15}NO_3$ than in $NH_4{\rightarrow}^{15}NH_4 $ 4. The uptake rate (in $NH_4{\rightarrow}^{15}NO_3$) was higher during 15 minutes than during 2 hours and always higher in Tongil. 5. $^{15}N$ excess % and content in each part, and uptake rate of root seems to have their own significance relatling with metabolism and translocation respectively. The change of nitrogen nutritional environment and source preference of varieties were discussed in relation to field condition and efficient use of nitrogen fertilizer.

• Journal of Nutrition and Health
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• v.46 no.4
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• pp.346-356
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• 2013

This study investigated the daily physical activity level, energy expenditure, energy balance, and body composition and their relationship with university students. The participants were 130 male students ($19.5{\pm}0.5$ yrs) and 139 female students ($19.5{\pm}0.3$ yrs) at a university in Chungnam province. Physical activity level was evaluated by an equation based on 24 hr-activity record and dietary nutrient intake was evaluated using the food record method during a three-day period consisting of two week days and one weekend. Body composition was measured using Inbody 430 (Biospace Co., Cheonan, Korea). As a result, mean body mass index (BMI) of subjects indicated that they had normal weight, however mean body fat ratio was $19.1{\pm}5.4%$ for males and $28.4{\pm}5.0%$ for females, indicating that they had higher than normal weight. Daily mean physical activity level was 1.55 for males and 1.47 for females, which was regarded as 'low active', respectively. Females had more light activity than males (p<0.01). Daily mean energy expenditure was $2,803.5{\pm}788.9$ kcal/d for males and $1,915.4{\pm}510.2$ kcal/d for females (p<0.001). Daily mean dietary energy intake was $2,327.0{\pm}562.5$ kcal/d for males and $1,802.1{\pm}523.6/d$ for females (p<0.001), and daily mean energy balance was $-476.5{\pm}955.9$ kcal/d for males and $-113.3{\pm}728.1$ kcal/d for females (p<0.01). Daily mean dietary intake of protein, vitamins, and minerals, except Ca, satisfied recommended nutrient intake. Daily energy expenditure was positively related to body weight (p<0.01), BMI (p<0.01), and fat free mass ratio (p<0.05), but was negatively related to body fat ratio (p<0.01). In conclusion, subjects had a negative energy balance and low physical activity. They had a normal weight by BMI but had a more fat than normal weight by body fat ratio. This appears to be related to their low physical activity. Thus, nutrition education should be provided for university students in order to increase their physical activity for maintenance of normal weight by body composition and health promotion.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.