• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.1-14
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• 2022

This study focused on examining the location characteristics of Mujang-Eupchi(茂長邑治), a traditional city of Joseon Dynasty, and shedding light on its prototype landscape. The findings were summarized as follows: Mujang-Eupchi showed a Confucian space system with Munmyo(文廟) within Hyanggyo(鄕校) in the east, Sajikdan(社稷壇) in the west, Seonghwangsa(城隍祠) in the fortress and Yeodan(厲壇) and Seonghwangdan(城隍壇) in Jinsan(鎭山) in the north around the Mujang-Eupseong(茂長邑城), an old fortress, built in the 17th year of King Taejong(1417). It seemed that Seonghwangdan located in Jinsan maintained a coexistence system with Seonghwangsa(城隍祠) within the Eupseong. A Pungsu(風水) stream in a V-shape ran before the southern gate of Eupseong, forming a Sugu(水口) in front of Namsan(南山) that was an Ansan(案山). They dug a southern pond called Hongmunje(紅門堤) to protect the vitality of the village and built Gwanpungjeong(觀豊亭). In the 19th century, Hongmunje and Gwanpungjeong were renamed into Muheungje(茂興堤) and Muheungdang(茂興堂), respectively. Eupsu(邑藪) were planted in front of the southern pond including Wondo(圓島), and Songdeokbi(頌德碑), Dangsanmok(堂山木), and Dangsanseok(堂山石) served as a Sugumagi(水口막이) and protected the entrance of Eupchi. After the Liberation, the southern pond was buried in 1955, and a market was formed at the site, which resulted in the disappearance of its prototype. The study also investigated the name and location of Chilgeori(七거리) in the village as it was lost following the unification of Bu(府), Gun(郡), and Myeon(面) titles in 1914 during the Japanese colonial period. Chilgeori Dangsan was based on Yin and Yang theory and became the subject of the organization mainly composed of Grandfather Dangsan menhir and Grandmother Dangsan tree. Chilgeori Dangsan was a religious place of the community to guard the village, serving as seven gateways to control access at the village boundary and it had a locational feature of protecting the inner mountain ranges of Eupchi.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.31
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• pp.199-235
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• 2018

Most of the new religions derived from Jeungsan have claimed that Jeungsan's religious thought reproduced Dangun [檀君] Thought in its original form. However, Daesoon Jinrihoe is the only religious order out of the many new religions within the Jeungsan lineage, which has constantly kept its distance from Dangun Thought since 1909 during the earliest period of proto-Daesoon Jinrihoe. Even a mere trace of Dangun cannot be found in the subject of faith or the doctrinal system of Daesoon Jinrihoe. In this context, this study aims to examine possible connections between Daesoon Thought and Dangun Thought in order to determine why other Jeungsanist religions frequently exhibit Dangunist features. Specifically, a major part of this study will be devoted to comparing and analyzing the narrative structure of Daesoon Thought and Dangun Thought as well as their respective motifs. In fact, Jeungsan does not seem to have ever mentioned Dangun in his recorded teachings, therefore, after his passing into the Heaven, most of the religious orders including Daesoon Jinrihoe derived from him did not pay any attention to Dangun Thought for almost for 40 years. These orders did not originally perceive Dangun as an object of belief. After Korea's liberation, Dangun became widely accepted as a pivotal role among the Korean people. As Dangun-nationalism claimed to unify Koreans as one great Korean ethnic society, the religious orders of Jeungsan lineage also climbed aboard this creed and their faiths or doctrines were acculturated to reflect this change. The reason for this has been attributed to following modern trends to increase success in propagation. In the meantime, Daesoon Jinrihoe was the only order that did not accept Dangun-nationalism because it was not a teaching given by the order's founder. And the two systems of thought have more dissimilarity than parallelism in terms of philosophical ideology. These seem to be the main reasons why Daesoon Jinrihoe did not adopt Dangun into its doctrine or belief system.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.3
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• pp.234-252
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• 2023

This study looked at the modification of major gardens while making Deoksugung Palace (德壽宮) a park in the Japanese colonial era. This is because landscaping work was carried out in various places from 1932 to 1933 to open Deoksugung Palace, which used to be an imperial palace, as a public recreation space. In particular, major gardens such as the front yard of Seokjojeon Hall (石造殿), the back yard of Hamnyeongjeon Hall (咸寧殿), and the back yard of Jeukjodang Hall (卽阼堂) were greatly transformed into different shapes from the original. During the first phase of construction in 1932, a water tank was installed in Seokjojeon Hall Garden, creating the first water space. This water tank was originally a structure installed in the front yard of Injeongjeon Hall (仁政殿) of Changdeokgung Palace (昌德宮). Around 1909, a water tank installed in the front yard of Injeongjeon Hall was relocated to Seokjojeon Garden in the process of turning Deoksugung Palace into a park. The water tank moved from the front yard of Injeongjeon Hall was a factor that transformed the central area of Seokjojeon Garden into a water space, and a fountain installed to replace the water tank remains to this day. The backyard of Hamnyeongjeon Hall was also renovated into a new shape during the first phase of construction. Originally, there was a terraced flowerbed called Hwagye (花階) in the backyard of Hamyujae Hall (咸有齋) and Hamnyeongjeon Hall, and it was restored from the construction that took place after the Great Fire of Deoksugung Palace. In the process of turning Deoksugung Palace into a park, a three-stage stonework was built in the front yard of Jeonggwanheon Pavilion (靜觀軒) which renovated the Hwagye in the backyard of Hamyujae Hall and Hamnyeongjeon Halll. The stonework built at that time was used as a peony garden to provide visitors with attractions after the opening of Deoksugung Palace, and it remains today with the name Jeonggwanheon's Hwagye. The backyard of the Jeukjodang Hall area is a case of damage in the second phase of construction in 1933. Like the backyard of Hamnyeongjeon Hall, the backyard of Jeukjodang Hall, where the Hwagye was originally built, was converted into a Japanese-style garden in the process of turning Deoksugung Palace into a park. The site where the Hwagye was demolished was decorated with a Japanese-style garden centered on mounding, small roads, and landscaping stones, as well as topographic control and planting work. Although there have been minor changes since liberation, the backyard of the Jeukjodang Hall area is still based on a Japanese-style garden created by turning Deoksugung Palace into a park.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.288-318
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• 2023

This work began with the aim of examining the history of the concept "cultural property" that is expected to disappear, and the main subject of research was the history that preceded the spread of this notion throughout society. The phrase "cultural property" first appeared in the 1920s, and was used in various fields such as literature, history, music, and philosophy in the context of cultural resources. Until immediately following liberation from the Japanese colonial era, the meaning of cultural assets was widely applied in the range of "cultural resources," and during this period, it was often used to help supplant the reality and history of Japanese occupation. Immediately after the Korean War, it was also employed for the purpose of 'restoration of cultural resources through war'. Recognition of cultural property directly influenced by Japan's Cultural Heritage Protection Act has occurred since 1950s. In the early 1960s, the enactment of various laws related to cultural properties and the establishment of the Cultural Heritage Administration caused the meaning of cultural property to be limited to 'cultural heritage'. In this way, the definition of state-led cultural property has continued to apply to this day. It has not been clearly confirmed whether the concept of cultural properties was imported from Japan through means such as the Cultural Heritage Protection Act. Cases in which several Japanese students endorsed the concept of cultural property within Korea serve to increase the likelihood that the concept was indeed imported from Japan. However, "coined language using multiple Chinese characters," "the phenomenon of cultural complex words in the 1920s,", and "cases of non-Japanese international students using the concept of cultural property" also open up the possibility of their own occurrence. Apart from the general importance of the concept of cultural property, intellectuals at the time used this concept to promote internal development and the overcoming of colonial Joseon. In this research, it was confirmed that the conceptual word cultural property was older and had a wider history than the general perception had indicated previously. The history of the conceptual term "cultural property" may appear to be more than 60 years old based on the enactment of the Cultural Heritage Protection Act, but in fact it is nearly 100 years old when traced back to on 1925, as established here. In general, the creation and disappearance of terms may proceed naturally with social change, but such terms may alternatively be created or erased through national policy. Identifying the origins of a phrase that is about to disappear represents a significant task for purposes of establishing its historical meaning.

• Bangmulgwan gwa yeongu (The National Museum of Korea Journal)
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• v.1
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• pp.330-355
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• 2024

There are two main perspectives in Korea on Korean cultural heritage located overseas: one views it as items that need to be repatriated since they were scattered abroad under unfortunate historical circumstances. The other considers them as a means to more widely promote Korea's culture and long history. A shift in perspective has gradually been taking place in the decades since Korea's liberation from Japanese colonial rule in 1945. This can be noted through three major types of exhibitions. The first type is exhibitions of repatriated cultural heritage that showcase items that were illegally removed from the country but later returned or otherwise acquired through purchase or donation. The Special Exhibition of Returned Cultural Heritage, which was held in 1966 on the occasion of the normalization of diplomatic relations between the Republic of Korea and Japan, emphasized the legitimacy of reclaiming cultural properties that were illegally removed from Korea during the period of Japanese colonial rule. Around the 1990s, special exhibitions of private donations were held, which also highlighted the legitimacy of repatriation. The special exhibition of the Oegyujanggak Uigwe (Royal Protocols of the Joseon Dynasty from the Outer Royal Library) held in 2011 was seen as an opportunity to raise public interest in repatriation, heal the wounds of history, and restore the nation's cultural pride. The second type of exhibition involves borrowing and displaying overseas Korean cultural heritage in accordance with a theme as a means to reenergize and provide a comprehensive view of Korean culture. The exhibitions National Treasures from the Goryeo Dynasty in 1995 and National Treasures from the Early Joseon Dynasty in 1997 (both held at the Hoam Museum of Art) and the Masterpieces of Goryeo Buddhist Painting held at the National Museum of Korea in 2010 underscored the importance of overseas Korean cultural heritage for exploring Korean cultural history. The third type is special exhibitions on the history of the collection of Korean cultural heritage. With Korea's economic growth in the 1980s and the increase in exhibitions and the number of galleries featuring Korean cultural heritage in overseas museums in the 1990s, interest in the history of acquisition also grew. Exhibitions like The Korean Collection of the Peabody Essex Museum in 1994 and Korean Art from the United States in 2012 introduced overseas galleries focused on Korean art and the diverse history of collecting Korean cultural properties. They also examined the perception of Korean art in the United States. These efforts heightened public interest in establishing and supporting Korean galleries abroad. The initiation of more systematic surveys and research on Korean cultural heritage located abroad and the contribution of overseas Korean cultural heritage to the enhancement of the local understanding and promotion of Korean culture have resulted in changes to the perception of overseas Korean cultural heritage in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.162-178
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• 2024

Swans are representative migratory birds that spend winter in East Asia, and have long been considered rare birds. In particular, they were regarded as king of Japan. The process of designating a natural monument in Hapcheon Swan Sanctuary is an interesting story. In this study, the designation and release process of Hapcheon Swan Sancturay ((Bakgok-ji, Yongju-myeon 龍州面 朴谷池), (Jeongyang-ji, Daeyang-myeon 大陽面 正陽池), Gaho, Cheongdeok-myeon 淸德面 嘉湖)) Natural Monument, was examined. These places were designated as a natural monument on August 27, 1934, during the Japanese colonial period, and was lifted on August 14, 1973, after the Cultural Protection Act was enacted after liberation. From the beginning of the new year in 1929, the Japanese Government-General of Korea (朝鮮總督府) decided to capture swans alive to give to the king of Japan. An official of the Japanese Government-General of Korea (統監) decided to offer swans to the king during his New Year's greeting visit. The department in charge of capturing swans was the Gyeongsangnam-do Provincial Police Department, and the execution was the police station of each county (郡). The reason is believed to be that it is easy to forcibly mobilize, control, or urge people, and the capture activity had to be completed as soon as possible. A total of three swans were captured in Hapcheon-gun from January 12 to 14, 1929. At that time, various newspapers published related information. Based on these facts and experiences, it is estimated that the Hapcheon area was selected when designating a natural monument in 1934. Hapcheon Swan Sancturay, Natural Monument lost its function due to excessive human interference of various developments, illegal capture, and use of poison to catch swans. Their number has also significantly decreased. It was thus removed from the natural monument in 1973. One of the three swan sanctuaries (Gaho 嘉湖) has been completely reclaimed, one (Bakgok-ji 朴谷池) has almost no migratory birds due to the conversion of wetlands, and one (Jeongyang-ji 正陽池) has swans flying back. In the case of Jeongyangji (正陽池), It is an encouraging sign that many swans fly as the surrounding environment and growing conditions change. This phenomenon is interpreted to mean that nature and climate are recovering and healing.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.1-13
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• 2022

This paper examined the history and development of Gyeongbokgung Palace's back garden based on historical materials and drawings such as Joseon Ilgi(Diaries of Joseon Dynasty), Joseon Wangjo Sillok(the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), Doseongdaejido(the Great Map of Seoul), Bukgwoldohyeong(Drawing Plan of the Northern Palace), the Bukgung Palace Restoration Plan, Restoration Planning of Gyeongbokgung Palace and the following results were derived. First, it was confirmed that the Back Garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace was famous for its great location since the Goryeo Dynasty, and that it was named Namkyeong at that time and was a place where a shrine was built, and that castles and palaces were already built during the Goryeo Dynasty under the influence of Fengshui-Docham(風水圖讖) and Zhouli·Kaogongji(周禮考工記). Although the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace in the early Joseon Dynasty stayed out of the limelight as a back garden for the palace, it has a place value as a living space for the head of the state from King Gojong to the present. Second, in order to clearly identify the boundaries of back garden, through literature such as map of Doseongdo (Map of the Capital), La Coree, Gyeongmudae Area, Japanese Geography Custom Compendium, Korean Photo Album, JoseonGeonchukdoJip(The Illustration Book of Joseon Construction), Urban Planning Survey of Gyeongseong, it was confirmed that the current Blue House area outside Sinmumun Gate was built outside the precincts of Gyeongbokgung Palace. It was found that the area devastated through the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592, was used as a space where public corporations were combined through the process of reconstruction during the King Gojong period. In Japanese colonial era, the place value as a back garden of the primary palace was damaged, as the palace buildings of the back garden was relocated or destroyed, but after liberation, it was used as the presidential residence and restored the place value of the ruler. Third, in the back garden of Gyeongbokgung Palace, spatial changes proceeded through the Japanese Invasion and Japanese colonial era. The place with the greatest geographical change was Gyeongnongjae area, where the residence of the Japanese Government-General of Korea was built, and there were frequent changes in the use of the land. On the other hand, the current Gyeongmudae area, the forests next to the small garden, and the forests of Baekak were preserved in the form of traditional forests. To clarify this, 1:1200 floor plan of inner Gyeongmudae residence and satellite images were overlapped based on Sinmumun Gate, and as a result, it was confirmed that the water path originating from Baekak still exists today and the forest area did not change. Fourth, in the areas where the traditional forest landscape was inherited, the functional changes in the topography were little, and major old-age colonies are maintained. The old trees identified in this area were indicator tree species with historical value. Representatively, Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki, located in Nokjiwon Garden, is presumed to have been preserved as one of Pinus densiflora for. multicaulis Uyeki planted next to Yongmundang, and has a historicality that has been used as a photo zone at dinners for heads of state and important guests. Lastly, in order to continuously preserve and manage the value of Gyeongbokgung Palace in Blue House, it is urgent to clarify the space value through excavation of historical materials in Japanese colonial era and establish a hierarchy of garden archaeology by era. In addition, the basis for preserving the historical landscape from the Joseon Dynasty to the modern era from Gyeongbokgung Palace should not damage the area of the old giant trees, which has been perpetuated since the past, and a follow-up study is needed to investigate all the forests in Blue House.