• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.129-135
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• 2002

Objective : The primary objective of this study was to estimate the prevalence of HBsAg-positives in the late 1990's among Korean adults. In addition, we evaluated the association of age, a residential area, a vaccination rate, a family history of chronic liver diseases and a past history of acute liver disease with the seropositivity of HBsAg, and estimated the prevalence of chronic HBV infection by follow-up for 6 month or more. Methods : A total of 10 areas, six metropolitan and four small cities, were selected. In each cities, one health screening center was selected for recruitment of study subjects. The study subjects were enrolled from a general health examination program that is provided by medical insurance companies. Questionnaires on various risk factors were administered to the study subjects. Sera was drawn and tested for HBsAg by radioimmunoassay. HBeAg and ALT were also tested for those of HBsAg positive. The HBsAg positives was retest for HBsAg 6 months later Results : Among the study subjects (n= 1816), the seroprevalence of HBsAg was 5.5% (95% CI=4.5%-6.6%), 7.4% in men (95% CI=5.8-9.4) and 3.6% in women (95% CI=2.5-5.0). A past history of acute liver disease and a family history of chronic liver diseases was shown to be risk factors for HBsAg positivity. Among the 31 HBsAg-positives, negative seroconversion rate was estimated to be 3.2%, Thus, prevalence of chronic HBV infection was estimated to be 5.3% (95% CI=3.7-6.6). Conclusion : In this study, the HBsAg seroprevalence rate was lower than that of the other studies in 1980's, particularly in young adult and women. Considering the public health importance of liver cancer and chronic liver diseases, the further effort is needed to prevent and reduce the HBV infection.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.43-71
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• 2012

Rural Neo-Confucian Literati were major governing elite in Joseon Dynasty. They were small and medium-sized landowners all over the country and elite having Confucian knowledge. They formed villages of the same family name and exerted their influence on the community showing off their successful ancestors. Therefore, there were lots of examples that they took the actual leadership in local communities. In this sense, the Hwacheon-gun pa family line of the Andong Kweon clan were the representative rural neo-Confucian literati of Hwang-gang and Shindong areas in Jecheon. This group was formed after Kweon Sangha and his brothers' movement in 1675. Kweon was the best pupil of Song Siyeol, a prominent scholar and man of power. Although facing away the government examination, he was respected as sallim, rustic literati, on account of his teaching and writing activities and later called to High State Councillor. After his death, memorial halls and facilities to worship him, including Hwang-gang Sowon Academy, were built in the place he taught students. These facilities contributed to his descendants' acquiring his life values. They also made a contribution to the settlement of reject-heterodoxy sentiments based on their loyalty to the Myeong Dynasty in the area. Kweon Seop, Kweon Sangha's nephew, also played an important role in Hwacheon-gun pa family line's growing as rural neo-Confucian literati in Jecheon area. He built memorial halls to enshrine Kweon Sangha and made rules to develop his family line. In addition, he extended their living space over Hwang-gang area and each place had the shrine to hold a memorial service for their ancestors. As a result, Kweon Sangha and Kweon Seop's family wielded power in Jecheon for hundreds years as the same family name group. Rural neo-Confucian literati didn't produce more elite government officials than the groups in the capital, but their growth enabled cultural development of the local community and the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.258-269
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• 2018

Objectives: There was an outbreak of foodborne and waterborne disease among high school students at Okcheon in June, 2018. First attack occurred June $5^{th}$ but seven days later it was notified. The purpose of this investigation was to evaluate the pathogen of outbreak and cause of delayed notification. Methods: First, we did a questionnaire survey for 61 cases and 122 controls to find what symptoms they had and whether they ate foods or drank water from June $2^{nd}$ to June $12^{th}$. Second, we investigated the environment of cafeteria and drinking water. Third, we examined specimen of cases and environment to identify bacteria or virus. Results: Attack rate of this outbreak was 7.8%. Drinking water was strongly suspected as a source of infection in questionnaire survey but we could not find the exact time of exposure. Norovirus was identified in specimen of cases (2 students), drinking water (at main building and dormitory) and cafeteria (knife, dishtowel, hand of chef) Conclusions: We decided norovirus as the pathogen of this outbreak based on the clinical features of cases with diarrhea vomiting, abdominal pain and recovery within 2 or 3 days after onset, outbreak due to drinking water and microbiologic examination, And the cause of delayed notification might be the non-existence of the nurse teacher at that time and the lack of understanding of teachers on immediate notification under the outbreak. To prevent the delayed notification, notification system about outbreak of foodborne and waterborne disease in school is needed to be improved.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.209-223
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• 2019

The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.67-95
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• 2018

Gyeong-san(經山) Jeong Won-yong(鄭元容, 1783~1873) passed the state examination in 1802(純祖 2), and he has been in office for about 70 years. Jeong Won-yong with excellent administrative ability, he was an important figure in the Sedo politics, and was recognized by many writers for his outstanding writings. Nevertheless, his research results are small. This paper studyed his literary theories as a preliminary to look at Jeong Won-yong's literature in general After examining the features of Jeong Won-yong, there were three main aspects. First, Jeong Won-yong had a negative view of imitation. In particular, he stressed that he should oppose the attitude of unconditionally following Go-in(古人) without considering his capabilities and express his intention. Second, Jeong Won-yong pursued Jin-ui(眞意) when he wrote a poem. He thought rather than think that it is important to decorate a poem, it is important that emotion is exposed to the poem in a natural way. And he tried to unfold his individuality in the poem without copying others. Because if he imitate someone else when he write a poem, it is hard to express his thinking. His negative view of imitation and he pursued Jin-ui(眞意) are closely related. Lastly, Jeong Won-yong considered records important. Jeong Won-yong's record spirit is deeply related to his government service life. Jeong Won-yong who had been in government service all his life, hoped his experience would help manage the country. That's why he thought records were very important. And through this recording behavior, he wanted to get help later on. So it seems that he left a vast works.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.85-98
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• 2021

In accordance with planning to construct culture park on Songhyeon-dong (district) near Gyeongbokgung Palace, This study analyzed literature and drawings from the early Joseon Dynasty to today for the district, known as 'Songhyeon (pine hill)' to identify historical and cultural landscapes during essential times. The following are the results; First, the owners of significant lots were identified, and land use and landscape components were extracted for a diachronic examination of the landscape of the whole area of Songhyeon-dong. Songhyeon district had been regarded as the 'Inner Blue Dragon (Spot) of Gyeongbokgung Palace' in terms of geomancy since the foundation of Joseon in 1392 in that the government created and managed a 'pine forest' in the district. A state warehouse called 'bungam' was constructed, and small fruit stores, 'ujeon,' opened due to the complete reformation and urban planning led by King Taejong in 1410. From the 19th century, mansions of the upper class, such as 'Gaseonggak', 'Changnyeongwuigung' and 'Byeoksugeosajeong' were in the district. A prominent official residential complex called 'Sigeun Sataek' was constructed in 1919 after Chosen Siksan Bank purchased the site. Later, it was transferred to America in 1948 and used as the 'US Embassy Staff Quarters'. Second, the changes in the site view, associated with the aspects of society by the times, were examined by estimating the location and the time the landscape components lasted in each period extracted and identifying the physical entity. The pine forest, regarded as the 'Inner Blue Dragon' that guards the left side of the palace within the geomantic world view, was located in the highlands in the west of the site. In the same period, the flat area in the east was regarded as the 'commoner's district', the streets adjacent to various government facilities and the market, packed with people from different walks of life. From the 19th century, the gardens of the aristocrats of the capital city were created in the pine forest, turning the place into the forest in the middle of the city. The whole area of Songhyeon-dong, which existed as a large lot in the city center for a long time, was developed by Japanese imperialists in the 20th century based on the concept of 'Ideal Healthy Land,' which interrupted the placeness of Songhyeon-dong that had adhered to the traditional geomatic view of the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.4
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• pp.13-37
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• 2022

Even before recorded history, the Korean people took ginseng. Later, poetry passed down from China developed into a literary style in which intellectuals from the Silla, Goryeo, and Joseon Dynasties expressed their thoughts concisely. The aim of this paper is to find Korean poems related to ginseng and to look for their semantic network. To this end, "Korea Classical DB ", produced by the Institute for the Translation of Korean Classics, was searched to find ginseng poems. As the result of a search in November 2021, two poems from the Three Kingdoms Period, two poems from the Goryeo Dynasty, and 23 poems from the Joseon Dynasty were searched. An examination of these poems found that the first ginseng poem was "Goryeoinsamchan," which was sung by people in Goguryeo around the 6th century. Ginseng poetry during the Goryeo Dynasty is represented by Anchuk's poem. Anchuk sang about the harmful effects of ginseng tributes from a realistic point of view. Ginseng poetry in the Joseon Dynasty is represented by Seo Geo-jeong in the early period and Jeong Yakyong in the late period. Seo Geo-jeong's ginseng poem is a romantic poem that praises the mysterious pharmacological effects of ginseng. A poem called "Ginseng" by Yongjae Seonghyeon is also a romantic poem that praises the mysterious medicinal benefits of ginseng. As a scholar of Realist Confucianism, Dasan Jeong Yak-yong wrote very practical ginseng poems. Dasan left five ginseng poems, the largest number written by one poet. Dasan tried ginseng farming himself and emerged from the experience as a poet. The story of the failure and success of his ginseng farming was described in his poems. At that time, ginseng farming was widespread throughout the country due to the depletion of natural ginseng and the development of ginseng farming techniques after the reign of King Jeongjo. Since the early 19th century, ginseng farming had been prevalent on a large scale in the Gaeseong region, and small-scale farming had also been carried out in other regions. What is unusual is Kim Jin-soo's poem. At that time, in Tong Ren Tang, Beijing (the capital of the Qing Dynasty), ginseng from Joseon sold well under the "Songak Sansam" brand. Kim Jin-Soo wrote about this brand of ginseng in his poem. In 1900, Maecheon Hwanghyeon also created a ginseng poem, written in Chinese characters. Thus, the semantic network of Korean ginseng poems is identified as follows: 1) Ginseng poetry in the spirit of the people - Emerging gentry in the Goryeo Dynasty (Anchuk). 2) Romantic ginseng poetry - Government School in the early Joseon Dynasty (Seo Geo-jeong, Seonghyeon, etc.). 3) Practical ginseng poetry - Realist School in the late Joseon Dynasty (Jeong Yak-yong, Kim Jin-soo, Hwang Hyun, etc.). This semantic network was extracted while examining the development of Korean ginseng poems.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.27-32
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• 2022

Purpose When performing a whole-body bone scan, many patients are experiencing psychological difficulties due to the close distance to the detector. Recently, in the medical field, there is a report that using virtual reality (VR) equipment can give pain relief to pediatric patients with weak concentration or patients receiving severe treatment through a distraction method. Therefore, in this paper, VR equipment was used to provide psychological stability to patients during nuclear medicine tests, and it is intended to evaluate whether it can be used in clinical practice. Materials and Methods As VR equipment, ALLIP Z6 VR (ALLIP, Korea) was used and the experiment was conducted after connecting to a mobile phone. The subjects were 30 patients who underwent whole-body bone examination from September 1, 2021 to September 30, 2021. After intravenous injection of 99mTc-HDP, 3 to 6 hours later, VR equipment was put on and whole body images were obtained. After the test, a survey was conducted, and a Likert scale of 5 points was used for psychological anxiety and satisfaction with VR equipment. Hypothesis verification and reliability of the survey were analyzed using SPSS Statistics 25 (IBM, Corp., Armonk, NY, USA). Results Anxiety about the existing whole-body bone test was 3.03±1.53, whereas that of anxiety after wearing VR equipment was 2.0±1.21, indicating that anxiety decreased to 34%. When regression analysis of the effect of the patient's concentration on VR equipment on anxiety about the test, the B value was 0.750 (P<0.01) and the t value was 6.181 (P<0.01). decreased and showed an influence of 75%. In addition, overall satisfaction with VR equipment was 3.76±1.28, and the intention to reuse was 66%. The Cronbach α value of the reliability coefficient of the questionnaire was 0.901. Conclusion When using VR equipment, patients' attention was dispersed, anxiety was reduced, and psychological stability was found. In the future, as VR equipment technology develops, it is thought that if the equipment can be miniaturized and the resolution of VR content images is increased, it can be used in various clinical settings if it provides more realistic stability to the patient.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.1-22
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• 2013

This case focuses on Shanghai Tang, the first truly Chinese luxury brand that appeals to both Westerners and, more recently, to Chinese consumers worldwide. A visionary and wealthy businessman Sir David Tang created this company from scratch in 1994 in Hong Kong. Its story, spanned over almost two decades, has been fascinating. It went from what best a Chinese brand could be in the eyes of Westerners who love the Chinese culture, to a nearly-bankrupted company in 1998, before being acquired by Richemont, the second largest luxury group in the world. Since then, its turnaround has been spectacular with a growing appeal among Chinese luxury consumers who represent the core segment of the luxury industry today. The main objective of this case study is to formally examine how Shanghai Tang overcame its downfall and re-emerged as one the very few well- known Chinese luxury brands. More specifically, this case highlights the ways with which Shanghai Tang made a transitional change from a brand for Westerners who love the Chinese culture, to a brand for both, Westerners who love the Chinese culture and Chinese who love luxury. A close examination reveals that Shanghai Tang has followed the brand identity concept that consists of two major components: functional and emotional. The functional component for developing a luxury brand concerns all product characteristics that will make a product 'luxurious' in the eyes of the consumer, such as premium quality of cachemire from Mongolia, Chinese silk, lacquer, finest leather, porcelain, and jade in the case of Shanghai Tang. The emotional component consists of non-functional symbolic meanings of a brand. The symbolic meaning marks the major difference between a premium and a luxury brand. In the case of Shanghai Tang, its symbolic meaning refers to the Chinese culture and the brand aims to represent the best of Chinese traditions and establish itself as "the ambassador of modern Chinese style". It touches the Chinese heritage and emotions. Shanghai Tang has reinvented the modern Chinese chic by drawing back to the stylish decadence of Shanghai in the 1930s, which was then called the "Paris of the East", and this is where the brand finds inspiration to create its own myth. Once the functional and emotional components assured, Shanghai Tang has gone through a four-stage development to become the first global Chinese luxury brand: introduction, deepening, expansion, and revitalization. Introduction: David Tang discovered a market gap and had a vision to launch the first Chinese luxury brand to the world. The key success drivers for the introduction and management of a Chinese luxury brand are a solid brand identity and, above all, a creative mind, an inspired person. This was David Tang then, and this is now Raphael Le Masne de Chermont, the current Executive Chairman. Shanghai Tang combines Chinese and Western elements, which it finds to be the most sustainable platform for drawing consumers. Deepening: A major objective of the next phase is to become recognized as a luxury brand and a fashion or design authority. For this purpose, Shanghai Tang has cooperated with other well-regarded luxury and lifestyle brands such as Puma and Swarovski. It also expanded its product lines from high-end custom-made garments to music CDs and restaurant. Expansion: After the opening of his first store in Hong Kong in 1994, David Tang went on to open his second store in New York City three years later. However this New York retail operation was a financial disaster. Barely nineteen months after the opening, the store was shut down and quietly relocated to a cheaper location of Madison Avenue. Despite this failure, Shanghai Tang products found numerous followers especially among Western tourists and became "souvenir-like" must-haves. However, despite its strong brand DNA, the brand did not generate enough repeated sales and over the years the company cumulated heavy debts and became unprofitable. Revitalizing: After its purchase by Richemont in 1998, Le Masne de Chermont was appointed to lead the company, reposition the brand and undertake some major strategic changes such as revising the "Shanghai Tang" designs to appeal not only to Westerners but also to Chinese consumers, and to open new stores around the world. Since then, Shanghai Tang has become synonymous to a modern Chinese luxury lifestyle brand.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.23 no.3 s.31
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• pp.324-337
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• 1990

To assess the effectiveness of the interventions in working environment and personal hygiene for the occupational exposure to the lead, 156 workers (116 exposed subjects and 40 controls) of a newly established battery factory were examined for their blood lead concentration (Pb-B) in every 3 months up to 18 months. Air lead concentration (Pb-A) of the workplaces was also checked for 3 times in 6 months interval from August 1987. Environmental intervention included the local exhaust ventilation and vacuum cleaning of the floor. Intervention of the personal hygiene included the daily change of clothes, compulsory shower after work and hand washing before meal, prohibition of cigarette smoking and food consumption at the work site and wearing mask. Mean Pb-B of the controls was $21.97{\pm}3.36{\mu}g/dl$ at the preemployment examination and slightly increased to $22.75{\pm}3.38{\mu}g/dl$ after 6 months. Mean Pb-B of the workers who were employed before the factory was in operation (Group A) was $20.49{\pm}3.84{\mu}g/dl$ on employment and it was increased to $23.90{\pm}5.30{\mu}g/dl$ after 3 months (p<0.01). Pb-B was increased to $28.84{\pm}5.76{\mu}g/dl$ 6 months after the employment which was 1 month after the initiation of intervention program. It did not increase thereafter and ranged between $26.83{\mu}g/dl\;and\;28.28{\mu}g/dl$ in the subsequent 4 tests. Mean Pb-B of the workers who were employed after the factory had been in operation but before the intervention program was initiated (Group B) was $16.58{\pm}4/53{\mu}g/dl$ before the exposure and it was increased to $28.82{\pm}5.66{\mu}g/dl$(P<0.01) in 3 months later (1 month after the intervention). The values of subsequent 4 tests remained between 26.46 and $28.54{\mu}g/dl$. Mean Pb-B of the workers who were employed after intervention program had been started (Group C) was $19.45{\pm}3.44{\mu}g/dl$ at the preemployment examination and gradually increased to $22.70{\pm}4.55{\mu}g/dl$ after 3 months(P<0.01), $23.68{\pm}4.18{\mu}g/dl$ after 6 months, and $24.42{\pm}3.60{\mu}g/dl$ after 9 months. Work stations were classified into 4 parts according to Pb-A. The Pb-A of part I, the highest areas, were $0.365mg/m^3$, and after the intervention the levels were decreased to $0.216mg/m^3\;and\;0.208mg/m^3$ in follow-up tests. The Pb-A of part II was decreased from $0.232mg/m^3\;to\;0.148mg/m^3,\;and\;0.120mg/m^3$ after the intervention. Pb-A of part III and W was tested only after intervention and the Pb-A of part III were $0.124mg/m^3$ in Jannuary 1988 and $0.081mg/m^3$ in August 1988. The Pb-A of part IV not stationed at one place but moving around, was $0.110mg/m^3$ in August 1988. There was no consistent relationship between Pb-B and Pb-A. Pb-B of the group A and B workers in the part of the highest Pb-A were lower than those of the workers in the parts of lower Pb-A. Pb-B of the workers in the part of the lowest Pb-A incerased more rapidly. Pb-B of group C workers was the highest in part I and the lowest in part IV. These findings suggest that Pb-B is more valid method than Pb-A for monitoring the health of lead workers and intervention in personal hygiene is more effective than environmental intervention.