This paper investigates the migration process of Korean population in Northeastern China since the 19th century, focusing on the population distribution patterns in different time periods which reflect changes and diffusions of diaspora space. Korean migration into Northeastern China seemed to begin from the late 19th century, and can be classified into four different periods including cross-border refugee period (19th to 1910), political exile period(1911-1931), forced migration period(1932-1945), and economic-driven migration period(after 1946). The Korean migration into Northeastern China was closely related to paddy field rice farming by Korean migrants, which can be interpreted as a process of contagious diffusion starting from border area between Korea and China at the early stage. And then, process of hierarchical diffusion occurred along with urban centers on the railways from the 1930s. At the later stage, Korean migration has extended to coastal urban centers, other big cities in China and other countries including Korea since the 2000s. Recently, ethnic Korean communities in China have experienced changes from rural village based community to urban district based community as well as from single-nuclei ethnic structure around Northeastern China toward multi-nuclei ethnic structure extending to coastal urban areas in China.
The aim of this study is to investigate the conversion of Dongnaebu Gaeksa block to public market during Japan's Colonial Period. The block of Gaeksa was converted into the elementary school for the first time and afterwards occupied by the public market. Dongnae Traditional Market(五日場) had kept up since late 18th century. Dongnae public market was transferred to the site of Dongnaebu Gaeksa in 1937. Especially Dongnae public market(東萊公設市場) in the construction cost of establishment was supplied on loan. A number of traditional markets were reformed into the public markets in the 1930s. and the public market was installed more by the organization of colonial period. Dongnae public market was one of those markets, too. Eventually the establishment of public market meant that the block of Gaeksa had disappeared completely.
In the early 1900, photography, magic lantern and cinema were simultaneously introduced and experienced until the mid-1910s as mysterious and magical symbol of modern science and technology. The technology of vision, cinema in particular demonstrated its commercially expandable potentials through serial films in the mid-1910s, silent cinema in the 1920s and talkies in 1930s. I argue that a metaphor 'like a movie' which was would be spoken out by peoples as a cliche ever since the late 1910s whenever they encountered something uncanny, mysterious, and looking wholly new phenomena informs how cinematic technology worked in colonial society at the turning point to the early 20th century. Mass in colonial society accepted cinema and other visual technologies not only as an advanced science of the times but as texts of modernity that is the reason why cinema had so quickly taken cultural hegemony over the colony. Until the mid-1920s, discourse on cinema focused not on cinema itself, rather more on the theatre matters such as hygiene, facilities for public use, disturbance, quarrels and fights, theft, and etc. Since the mid-1920s and especially in wartime 1930s, discourses about negative influences and effects of cinema on behavior, mind and spirit of masses, bodily health, morality and crime were articulated and delivered by Japanese authorities and agencies like as police, newspapers and magazines, and collaborate Korean intellectuals. Theories and research reports stemming from disciplines of psychology, sociology, and mass-psychology that emphasized vulnerability and susceptibility of the crowd and mass consumers who would be exposed to visual images, spectacles and strong toxic stimulus in everyday lives. Those negative discourse on influences and effects of cinema was intimately associated with fear of the crowd and mass as well as new technology which does not allow clear understanding about how it works in future. The fact that cinema as a technology of vision could be used as an apparatus of ideology and propaganda stirred up doubts and pessimistic perspectives on cinema influence. Discourse on visual technology cinema constructed under colonial governance is doomed to be technology of mass control for empire's own sake.
In the history of costume, coat can be traced up to ancient Persia but it was generalized as today's style around 14th an d15th century in Euro[pe. World wars, revolutions and rapid social changes of the last 80 years have produced more changes in the way people dress than any comparable period in history. Thewse changes enabled emergence of more modernized woman's garments and through it, dress and coat ensemble became public's main fashion. In 1920's after world war I, boyish style in woman's garment was in vogue. Woman's coat was also in the same style with length sortened up to the knee level and silhoutte was straighter and semi-fitted than previous period. Length of the coat was longer in late 1930's but shortened again in 1940's. And the most popular silhouette of both 30's and 40's was shape of the hourglass which was commonly called the "X-shape". Also double=breasted coat with fitted waistline, belt and flare skirt was in vogue. In 1950's and 60's, with the variety of lines in woman's garments, silhouette of the coat also appeared in many different forms. Along with the various shapes, color of the coat changed throughout the decades : dark colors in 20's, bright colors in 30's, mixed colors of 20's and 30's in 40's and in 50's, color had changed to archromatic. In fabric, wool was most popular in all periods. However, such gabrics as tweed, cotton, gaberdine, linen were added to give variety. It is very interesting to see collars trimmed with expensive furs were very popular in 20's and 30's but it almost disappeared in 40's and fur trimming reappeared in late 50's. In addtion to silhouette changes in design, details such as buttons, epaulettes, pockets and fur trimming of hemline were emphasizing points of varieties in design. This study has set time limits world war I which was the period coat became major fashion of woman's clothing, to 1960's.
Western missionary nurses practiced in Korea from 1891. and the first trial to begin missionary public health nursing service in 1909 could not put into practice for short of nursing staff and budget. The main focus of missionary medical practice was not in public health program but in the management of missionary hospitals. A few of missionary western R.N. tried district nursing in 1910s. but their activities were personal and focused on the rescue of poor and sick patients. In 1917 the North American Methodist Church dispatched R.N. Elizabeth S. Roberts to begin district nursing in Korea. Roberts began maternal and child district nursing service. Her service was focused on teaching the method of bringing up children. bathing service, and home visiting for delivery. She could not but stop district-nursing service in 1918 to serve for a hospital in Siberia. The North American Methodist Church dispatched a few of R.N. to Korea in early 1920s and the missionary public health nursing of Korea could be activated. R.N. E. T. Rosenberger began public health nursing program in Seoul with Korean graduate nurse, Shin-gwang Han, and missionary M.D. Hall. Their public health nursing program was focused on maternal and childcare. They did home visiting in the morning, and served at a well baby clinic in the afternoon. The first baby competition began in 1925. and contributed to the teaching the method of bringing up children. They expanded public health nursing activity to school health nursing and milk station. Their public health nursing program was such a success that In 1929 Severance hospital. Eastgate Hospital. Taehwa Social Evangelistic center organized Seoul Child Health Union. Maren P. Bording, another missionary R.N. and midwife dispatched by the North American Methodist Church began public health nursing program at Kongjoo in 1924. Her program was focused on the maternal and childcare and close to that of Seoul. She started the first milk station in Korea in 1926. As she was a midwife and could get M. D. license in Korea, her program was more focused on maternal care than that of Seoul. The first day nursery school in Korea and the first graduate course for public health nursing in Korea began at Kongjoo in 1930. As the city of Choongcheongnam Province moved from Kongjoo to Daejeon in 1932, missionary public health nursing service in Kongjoo extended to Daejeon. There were lots of public health nursing program in Korea in 1920s and 1930s by missionary western nurses and Korean nurses. There were 13 missionary public health-nursing center in Korea in 1932. But in the late 1930s. Japan extended colonial war and drove out western missionaries. The missionary service in Korea was daunted. and the missionary public health nursing service could not but shrink.
When Hart Crane′s poem cycle The Bridge was published in 1930, a group of influential reviewers accused Crane of immaturity, sentimentality, and lack of focus. They condemned crane′s wayward, fuzzy mysticism as backwards-looking and self-defeating. Even sympathetic critics, such as Harold Bloom, have consistently portrayed Crane′s poetry as the pyrotechnic final fizzle of late romanticism. These persistent, public reservations, however, have not prevented an impressive proliferation in secondary literature concerning Crane since the late 1960s. His promiscuity, alcoholism, erratic behavior, relative poverty, tragic death, and total commitment to art have since earned him the labels of New World Rimbaud and proto-Beat. His colorful career thus explains in part his retrospective fame. Nevertheless, living hard and dying young do not guarantee artistic immortality. This article poses questions as to why Crane has mattered so much to subsequent generations of U.S. readers and what these readers find so compelling in his poetry. The answer, I would argue, lies in Crane′s idiosyncratic use of language. Far from striving for transparency, he writes in an inimitably obstructive, artificial manner. There is something seductive and absurd in his wild use of words here, I would further argue, we discover the reason behind both Crane′s enduring appeal and his supposed inadequacy as a writer. Crane did "torture" syntax, semantics, and conventional associations, not because he saw his unusual language as an eccentric mannerism but because he saw it as a tool in the service of constructing a "myth of America" and reintegrating the human and divine. Understanding thy he considered this to be the case clarifies Crane′s achievement and illuminates why his work still seems so relevant today.
Based on a time series of ocean climate indices and catch records for seven pelagic fish species in the Tsushima Warm Current (TWC) and Kuroshio-Oyashio Current (KOC) regions from 1910 to 2004, we detected regional synchrony in the long-term fluctuations of the fish populations and identified alternation patterns of dominant species related to climate shifts. The annual catches of Pacific herring, Japanese sardines, Japanese anchovies, jack mackerel, chub mackerel, Pacific saury and common squid in the TWC region fluctuated in phase with those in the KOC region, which suggests that they were controlled by the same basin-wide climate forcing. After the collapse of the herring fishery, the alternation sequence was: sardines (1930s), Pacific saury, jack mackerel, common squid and anchovies ($1950s{\sim}1960s$), herring ($late\;1960s{\sim}early\;1970s$), chub mackerel (1970s) and then sardines (1980s). As sardine biomass decreased in the late stages of the cool regime, catch of the other four species increased immediately during the warm period of the 1990s. Regional differences in the amplitude of long-term catch fluctuations for the seven pelagic fishes could be explained by regional differences in availability, fishing techniques and activity.
Journal of the Korean Society for Aviation and Aeronautics
/
v.28
no.3
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pp.12-17
/
2020
Avionics is a compound word of aviation and electronics that began to be used in the late 1930s. In the components or sub-systems installed to the aircraft, avionics is something that works by electronic technology. In the past, the aircraft mate, the flight engineer, and the radar operators performed the work on board the aircraft but the modern aircraft have replaced these tasks with avionics. the aircraft mechanics who maintain and manage such complex aircraft must have expertise and technics with the development of avionics to maintain aircraft airworthiness. This paper is about the introduction of domestic avionics qualification system and the development of avionics maintenance technology. For this, the SWOT analysis is performed by identifying the internal and external environment. And recommend the strategy and direction of domestic avionics qualification and education system.
The genesis of Modern Architecture in Korea by Korean Architects can be explained by the Korean socio-economical condition. During the late 19c and early 20c many buildings had been constructed that contained modern function, But modern builings designed by Korean Architects appeared through the 1930s. The 'Hwoisaryung' which was a law to restrict establishing company in Korea since 1910 was extincted at 1920. Korean modern capitalists formed after 1920 could be clients of a modern buildings. The period of the formation of Korean modern architects met that of Korean modern capitalists. Korean modern capitalists commissioned Korean architects and Korean architects were able to practice only in the relation of its patron. Korean capital formed 6 per cent of total capital in Korea. Although Korean capitalists would be a patron of Korean architects, their requests of building were restricted to the commercial, the residential and the private educational buildings.
Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
/
v.35
no.4
/
pp.93-102
/
2019
In 1960s Russian avant-garde architects such as Moisei Ginzburg, Konstantin Melnikov and Ivan Leonidov were rediscovered in the western architectural society. In this period Rem Koolhaas investigated the projects of Ivan Leonidov with great enthusiasm. In late 1920s and early 1930s when the hope and fantasy to the social revolution and technology reached the climax, The third generation of Russian avant-garde intended to find the new synthesis of the technology, the form and the social ideology. In this context, Leonidov proposed audacious projects from the small scale to the urban scale in the influence of Malevich's suprematism, Vesnin's technological fantasy and Ginzburg's concept of "social condenser". These projects seriously affected Koolhaas. This relationship of Leonidov and Koolhaas was indicated but not investigated in concrete manner. This study intends to analyze the projects of Leonidov and to investigate the relationship of Leonidov and Koolhaas in Delirious NewYork and in the projects of Koolhaas. We will analyse this relationship in three categories : hedonistic technology, social collectivity and pure geometry.
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