• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.120-129
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to analyze the chemical composition of smalt pigments used in 10 large Buddhist paintings in the Joseon Dynasty using energy dispersive X-ray spectroscopy, and to clarify the material and characteristics by observing morphological characteristics using polarized light microscopy and a scanning electron microscope. Through chemical composition analysis, the smalt of all 10 large Buddhist paintings is judged to be potash glass using SiO₂ as a former and K₂O as a flux. In addition to the components related to cobalt ore used as a colorant, the paintings were found to contain high levels of As₂O₃, BaO, and PbO. The smalt particles did not have specific forms, and were blue in color, with various chromaticity. In some particles, conchoidal fracture, spherical bubbles, and impurities were observed. Through backscattered electron images, it was found that the smalt from paintings produced in the early 18th century AD had a high level of As, but the smalt from paintings produced from the mid-18th century AD onwards exhibited various contrast differences from particle to particle, and there was smalt with high levels of As, Ba, and Pb. Through the above results, the large Buddhist paintings in the Joseon Dynasty are divided into three smalt types. Type A is a type with high As₂O₃, type B is a type with high BaO, and type C is a type with high PbO. Looking at the three types of smalt pigments by the period of production, although some in-between periods were not detected, type A was confirmed to have been used from 1705 to 1808, while type B and type C were shown to have appeared in 1750 and used until 1808. This reveals that only one type of smalt was used until the early 18th century AD, and from the middle of the 18th century AD, several types of smalt were mixed and used in one large Buddhist painting. Studies such as this research are expected to provide insights into the characteristics of the smalt pigments used to produce large Buddhist paintings at the time.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.38
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• pp.305-321
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• 1998

The costume style of the Chosun dynasty changed greatly after Imjinwaeran (the Japanese Invasion of Chosun Korea, 1592∼1598). Most of the extant costumes come from the late Chosun, but some costumes produced be-fore Imjinwaeran have been excavated, and in addition, information on these older constumes is contained in contemporary literature. Of especial value in the study of pre-Imjinwaeran Chosun constumes is a mid-sixteenth century palace painting depicting the worship of Buddha, a painting in the collection of the Ho-Am Art Museum in Seoul. The present study of costume during the middle Chosun dynasty focuses on this painting, and compares it with other contemporary palace paintings, and with other contemporary palace paintings, and with Nectar Ritual Paintings. The following conclusion were drawn : * Concerning woman's hair styles of the time, married women wore a large wig. Un-married women braided their hair, and then either let it fall down their back or wore it coiled on top of their head. * The major characteristic of woman's costumes was a ample, tube-like silhouette, with the ratio of the Jeogori(Korean woman's jacket) and skirt being one-to-one. * The style of Jeogori in the painting was like that of excavated remains. Some Jeogoris were simple (without decoration), while some Jeogoris were worn with red sashes. Here we can confirm the continuity of ancient Korean costumes with those of the sixteenth century * Although the skirt covered the ankles, it did not touch the ground. Because the breadth of the skirt was not wide, it seems to have been for ordinary use. Colors of skirts were mainly white or light blue. * All men in the painting wore a headdress. Ordinary men, not Buddhist monks, wore Bok-du (headstring), Chorip (straw hat), or Heuk-rip (black hat). In this painting, men wore a Heukrip which had a round Mojeong (crown). * The men wore sashes fastened around their waist to close their coats, which was different from the late Chosun, in which men bound their sashes around their chest. That gave a ration of the bodice of the coat to the length of the skirt of one-to-one, which was consistent with that of woman's clothing. * In this painting, we cannot see the Buddhist monk's headdress that appeared later in the Chosun, such as Gokkal (peaked hat), Songnak (nun's hat), and Gamtu (horsehair cap). These kinds of headdresses, which appeared in paintings from the seventeenth century, were worn widely inside or outside the home. Buddhist monks wore a light blue long coat, called Jangsam (Buddhist monk's robe) and wore Gasa (Buddhist monk's cope), a kind of ceremonial wrap, round their body. We can see that the Gasa was very splendid in the early years of the Chosun dynasty, a continuing tradition of Buddhist monk's costumes from the Koryo dynasty.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.151-165
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• 2020

In this study, the pattern of texture was developed by applying the pattern shown in the Amita Yeoraebul and the Avalokitesvara with symbolism suitable for children's clothing. In addition, the design and the manufacturing of a children's wearable Hanbok were attempted, and the results are as follows: Amitha Yeoraebul is a Buddha who oversees paradise in Buddhism, and Avalokitesvara controls both paradise and the real world and provides mercy. Applying the various patterns in the Buddhist paintings, four daily hanboks for children were produced using patterns featuring symbolic the meanings of large round original patterns chrysanthemums, turtles, and lotus patterns. The lotus symbol represents love, nobility, and wealth, while the turtle symbol represents longevity, the chrysanthemum pattern symbolizes auspiciousness, and the large round original pattern means a constant continuation. To maintain the traditional hanbok form but allow convenient wear it in daily life, it is made in the jeogori + shorts, vest + long pants, and one-piece + jacket style. Currently, the daily dress of Hanbok and the modernization of traditional Korean clothes are being promoted. At this point, the study developed Hanbok fashion products that contain symbolic stories suitable for children are trying to maintain the image of traditional culture as much as possible.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.216-228
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to apply the handheld Raman spectrometer to identify the coloring materials used in a large Buddhist painting (of Maitreya Buddha) at Janggoksa Temple through cross-validation with HH-XRF. An in situ investigation was performed together with use of a digital microscope and HH-XRF analysis to verify the properties of pigments used in the gwaebul ("large Buddhist painting") via a non-destructive method. However, the identification of coloring materials composed of light elements and mixed or overlaid pigments is difficult using only non-destructive analysis data. Unlike in situ investigation, laboratory analysis often required samples yet the sampling is restricted to a small quantity due to the cultural heritage characteristic. Thus, it is necessary to develop a non-destructive in situ method to supplement the HH-XRF data. The large Buddhist painting at Janggoksa Temple was painted mainly using white, red, yellow, green, and blue colors. The Raman spectroscopy provides molecular information, while XRF spectroscopy provides information about elemental composition of the pigments. Analysis results identified various coloring materials: inorganic pigment, such as lead white, minium, cinnabar, and orpiment, as well as organic pigment such as gamboge and indigo. Therefore, it is possible to obtain more information for the identification of pigments; organic pigment and mixed or overlaid pigments, while at the same time minimizing the collection sample and simplifying the analysis procedure compared to previously used methods. The results of this study will be used as basic data for the analysis of painting cultural heritage through a non-destructive in situ method in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.14
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• pp.63-73
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• 1990

The thought of three religious, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, had been the mainaxis of Korean spirit of the past. This study is centered on Buddhist and Taoist costume. There have been a lot of studies on Korean costume from many viewpoints. However, there have been few approaches to the inner !"ide of it. That is to say, the research on spiritual back-ground or religious correlation has not done yet. And especially, we are wholly lacking the studies on Taoist costume. In this dissertation, I investigate how they had come to wear Buddhist costume and how it trans, on the basis of related documentary records and existing remains. I also inquiry Taoist costume which was worn at Taoist ceremony in our country, with the help of Korean books and documents and of the sources of Packwoonkwan in China. In the case of Topobyunjeung in Korean costume, in particular, we can catch the source of it only after studying the religious side of Taoist costume and Buddhist costume. As revealed in the theory of Topobyunjeung in Ojuyunmoonja-ngsango by Lee, Kyu Kyung, even old masters and great Confucianists could not know whether Topo, the ordinary clothes of the Sadaeboo, originated from Taoist costume or Buddhist costume. There have been many opinions about the origin, but even now it is true that no one has made it clear. Therefore in this dissertatio I demonstrate mainly how Topo and Hakchangeui appeared in Korean costume through Taoist costume. It is said that Taoists, Buddhists, and literary men wore Topo, Chickchul, and Chickshin in Song dynasty of China. Topo was a clerical robe of Taoists and was also an ordinary clothes. Chick-chul was a clerical robe of Buddhists, and Chick-shin was worn by Zen priests in Won dynaty. Over the Po, Buddhist wore a large robe, namely Kasa, and Taoist wore Packhakchang like Wooeui, when they attended at the religious ceremony. And they regarded such manner of dressing as ceremonial full-dress attire. The style of Topo in China was Saryunggyogeo. The is th say that they put the black Yeon along Sajoo, which are Young, Soogoo, Keum, and Keo, and that they wore Sajodae around their waists so as to let the band down in front of them. Our existing type of Topo is that of Chickryung-gyoin. The characteristics of the type are its Koreum hung on the dress, no Yeon along Sajoo, and Soopok at the back of the dress. And when they put on the dress, they wear Saejodae around their waists. These characteristics considered, we can find the source of Topo from the Po of Chickshin among Buddhist costume. Other types of Topo are those that were transformed elegantly according to our national manners and customs in our country. So-called Wooeui in Chiness Taoism is Hakchang. Originally it was made by weaving for of cranes or other feathered birds. Its remarkable feature is the wide sleeves. Later they called such a robe with wide sleeves Hakchang. Our hakchangeui has Yeon along Sajoo and a belt around waist. We can guess that the features of Topo and wide-sleeved Hakchang mingled and turned into Hakchangeui. Or it might also be that Topa worn by Taoist was regarded as Hakchang and Topa which has Yeon along Sajoo was regarded as Hakchangeui in our country. Such type of Hakchang worn by Taoists was well shown in the Buddhist and Taoist paintings among "The Pictures of Hills, Waters, and Folks" in the latter half of the 16th century. In China Hakchang with a belt around waist could not be seen. Comparing our style of Hakchangeui with the Chinese style, we can recognize the former was similar to that of Chinese Topa. From this, we gather that Topa was regarded as Hakchang, Wooeui worn by Taoists, Ascetics and True Men in Korea. Furthermore I also gather that our Hakchangeui, which has Tongjeong, Koreurn and a belt around waist, was a transformed style in our own country. From the above, we can realize that in costume the three religions, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism, cannot be treated separately although they are different each other in the essential thought. We have to recognize that Korean Costume was established under the closely connected correlation among the religions and that it was transfigured and accepted according to the cultural characteristics. This study is significant in that it is the first attempt to understand Korean costume through the religous approach, which has never been made in our Korean costume studies. We are demanded even more wide and profound investigation on the religious side of costume throughout the general field of costume studies.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.5 no.5
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• pp.481-494
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• 2003

The Gamrotenghwa of the Choson Dynasty is a unique genre of buddhist painting in that the destiny of the dead souls and the guidance to nirvana are expressed in reality. More than 50 of the Gamrotenghwa are known to be present, and the lower part of the paintings includes a wide assortment of folk customary scenes reflecting the social life style of the time when the painting was drawn, such as difficulties in life. public life, punishment and war. Changes in the costume of the people shown on the customary scenes of the Gamrotenghwa according to the time based changes in painting style were investigated in this study. The results are summarized in three points. First, the costumes of bureaucrats showed a tendency of preservation without any major changes in the painting. On the other hand, costumes of public and entertainer in the scenes were very close to those worn by the people at that time. The realistic description of public life in the painting may establish the value of the Gamrotenghwa as the historical documents. Second, the costume of the people in the painting showed a dual structure as the social positions; bureaucrats wore various official hats, large coats and belts to expose their social prestige. while the general public wore simple and convenient clothing which is divided into shirt and pants. The dual structure of the costume in the painting is in well accordance with that of the later period of Choson dynasty, suggesting that the customary scenes in the painting represent the social life style of the period. Finally, the customary scenes in the Gamrotenghwa are very variegated. which shows a variety of beauty of wearing even though they look coarse in a sense. The diversity of wearing beauty in the picture may contribute to the recreation of the beauty of shape in the new design of Hanbok.

• 보존과학연구
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• s.28
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• pp.121-147
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• 2007

A large variety of mineral pigments has been used for Korean paintings and it has known that organic pigments have been used together on the Buddhist painting and the portrait. Haehakbando-do, which is from Honolulu Academy Museum in the United States, 12-fold screen was commissioned by Court of the late Joseon Dynasty in order to pray for the King's longevity. Therefore, it seems that all material used including pigments were selected very carefully and a great deal of technical effort was gone into its process. The purposes of this research were to estimate the pigments and the contributory elements of each color used on Haehakbando-do, in accordance with the conservation treatment carried out by Gochang Conservation Institute throughout last year. Without extracting sample, property of pigment was measured by nondestructive method, X-ray spectral analysis, and by comparing with the data about ancient pigments. In spite of the limited range of pigment analysis by nondestructive method, it should be noted that this method would not cause damage to the cultural properites. White pigment was found in all colored parts except the background, so it can be suggested that white color was used as a grounding of other color pigments. This would be flake white[$2PbCO_3{\cdot}Pb(OH)_2$] as Pb was found. Pb was the only element could be found in yellow, however, it can be organic pigment like Gamboge as same as background. Red would be Cinnabar (HgS) as hydrargyrum (Hg) was detected. For the light purple in cloud, organic pigments were probably used since any element is not detected except for Pb, which is used for background. It is possible that green color is the mixture of Malachite[$CuCO_3{\cdot}Cu(OH)_2$] and Azurite [$2CuCO_3{\cdot}Cu(OH)_2$], which share Cu as their main element. Azurite[$2CuCO_3{\cdot}Cu(OH)_2$] was used for bluish pigments. Black is carbon compound. For gold, solid gold (Au) was detected. It shows that gold was gilded on the flake white background. Red painted on the frame of screen was identified as Cinnabar (HgS) and the gold pattern was solid gold (Au). The supporting leg of folding screen was made of brass because both copper and zinc were detected. In conclusion, white pigment was used as grounding of all colors of Haehakbando-do, and specific pigments were used for each color. Additionally, result from the analysis of several pigments shows that mineral pigment and organic pigment, or different mineral pigments were mixed to make various colors.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.140-170
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• 2021

This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.226-241
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• 2020

Located on the right side of the third floor of the State Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg, the "Art of Central Asia" exhibition boasts the world's finest collection of artworks and artifacts from the Silk Road. Every item in the collection has been classified by region, and many of them were collected in the early twentieth century through archaeological surveys led by Russia's Pyotr Kozlov, Mikhail Berezovsky, and Sergey Oldenburg. Some of these artifacts have been presented around the world through special exhibitions held in Germany, France, the United Kingdom, the Netherlands, Korea, Japan, and elsewhere. The fruits of Russia's Silk Road expeditions were also on full display in the 2008 exhibition The Caves of One Thousand Buddhas - Russian Expeditions on the Silk Route on the Occasion of 190 Years of the Asiatic Museum, held at the Hermitage Museum. Published in 2018 by the Shanghai Chinese Classics Publishing House in collaboration with the Hermitage Museum, Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia introduces the Hermitage's collection of artifacts from the Kuche (or Kucha) region. While the book focuses exclusively on artifacts excavated from the Kuche area, it also includes valuable on-site photos and sketches from the Russian expeditions, thus helping to enhance readers' overall understanding of the characteristics of Kuche art within the Buddhist art of Central Asia. The book was compiled by Dr. Kira Samosyuk, senior curator of the Oriental Department of the Hermitage Museum, who also wrote the main article and the artifact descriptions. Dr. Samosyuk is an internationally renowned scholar of Central Asian Buddhist art, with a particular expertise in the art of Khara-Khoto and Xi-yu. In her article "The Art of the Kuche Buddhist Temples," Dr. Samosyuk provides an overview of Russia's Silk Road expeditions, before introducing the historical development of Kuche in the Buddhist era and the aspects of Buddhism transmitted to Kuche. She describes the murals and clay sculptures in the Buddhist grottoes, giving important details on their themes and issues with estimating their dates, and also explains how the temples operated as places of worship. In conclusion, Dr. Samosyuk argues that the Kuche region, while continuously engaging with various peoples in China and the nomadic world, developed its own independent Buddhist culture incorporating elements of Gandara, Hellenistic, Persian, and Chinese art and culture. Finally, she states that the culture of the Kuche region had a profound influence not only on the Tarim Basin, but also on the Buddhist grottoes of Dunhuang and the central region of China. A considerable portion of Dr. Samosyuk's article addresses efforts to estimate the date of the grottoes in the Kuche region. After citing various scholars' views on the dates of the murals, she argues that the Kizil grottoes likely began prior to the fifth century, which is at least 100 years earlier than most current estimates. This conclusion is reached by comparing the iconography of the armor depicted in the murals with related materials excavated from the surrounding area (such as items of Sogdian art). However, efforts to date the Buddhist grottoes of Kuche must take many factors into consideration, such as the geological characteristics of the caves, the themes and styles of the Buddhist paintings, the types of pigments used, and the clothing, hairstyles, and ornamentation of the depicted figures. Moreover, such interdisciplinary data must be studied within the context of Kuche's relations with nearby cultures. Scientific methods such as radiocarbon dating could also be applied for supplementary materials. The preface of Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia reveals that the catalog is the first volume covering the Hermitage Museum's collection of Kuche art, and that the next volume in the series will cover a large collection of mural fragments that were taken from Berlin during World War II. For many years, the whereabouts of these mural fragments were unknown to both the public and academia, but after restoration, the fragments were recently re-introduced to the public as part of the museum's permanent exhibition. We look forward to the next publication that focuses on these mural fragments, and also to future catalogs introducing the artifacts of Turpan and Khotan. Currently, fragments of the murals from the Kuche grottoes are scattered among various countries, including Russia, Germany, and Korea. With the publication of this catalog, it seems like an opportune time to publish a comprehensive catalog on the murals of the Kuche region, which represent a compelling mixture of East-West culture that reflects the overall characteristics of the region. A catalog that includes both the remaining murals of the Kizil grottoes and the fragments from different parts of the world could greatly enhance our understanding of the murals' original state. Such a book would hopefully include a more detailed and interdisciplinary discussion of the artifacts and murals, including scientific analyses of the pigments and other materials from the perspective of conservation science. With the ongoing rapid development in western China, the grotto murals are facing a serious crisis related to climate change and overcrowding in the oasis city of Xinjiang. To overcome this challenge, the cultural communities of China and other countries that possess advanced technology for conservation and restoration must begin working together to protect and restore the murals of the Silk Road grottoes. Moreover, centers for conservation science should be established to foster human resources and collect information. Compiling the data of Russian expeditions related to the grottoes of Kuche (among the results of Western archaeological surveys of the Silk Road in the early twentieth century), Kuche Art Relics Collected in Russia represents an important contribution to research on Kuche's Buddhist art and the Silk Road, which will only be enhanced by a future volume introducing the mural fragments from Germany. As the new authoritative source for academic research on the artworks and artifacts of the Kuche region, the book also lays the groundwork for new directions for future studies on the Silk Road. Finally, the book is also quite significant for employing a new editing system that improves its academic clarity and convenience. In conclusion, Dr. Kira Samosyuk, who planned the publication, deserves tremendous praise for taking the research of Silk Road art to new heights.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.52-62
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• 2011

By studying the classic poetry and prose with a theme of Plantain, I would like to study why Plantain has been planted in our traditional garden for a long time. Also, through this study, I want to find when Plantain was introduced to in our country. We use description study method for studying the classic poetry and prose with a theme of Plantain. As a result, we found a few things like below. First, the introduction of Plantain to our country traces back to unified Silla in the poetry of Choe Chi Won. Also, Plantain was planted and loved generally as a general garden plant in the middle of Goryeo through poetry and paintings. Second, the meaning of Plantain is like this. 1) It means development and enjoyment of arts of summer because the leaves of Plantain were used for drinking alcohol and writing and poetry instead of papers. 2) In Buddhism, Plantain was thought to awaken 'gong(空)', 'mua(無我)', and 'brevity' of lesson of Buddha by the special shape and the image of falling rain to the leaves. Also, it was used widely in Buddhist temples because of the story of 'Hye ga dan bi(慧可斷臂)'. 3) In Confucianism, it is the emblem of lesson 'a wise man tries to be strong and tries not to stop following to God'(自强不息). 4) The large leaf of Plantain is called 'bongmi(鳳尾)' thanks to the image of likeness with tails of Bongwhang(鳳凰). Third, design use of Plantain is like this. 1) The large leaf of Plantain was used for giving an image of freshness and brightness in the garden in summer. 2) Our ancestor thought 'the sound of falling rain to Plantain'(芭蕉雨聲) as a picturesque sound in summer. Also, Plantain was highly utilized because our ancestor thought Plantain is the best plant for implementing 'soundscape'. Thus, the most characteristic use of several design uses is 'acoustic use'. 3) Plantain was also planted in a indoor pot for viewing. 4) Plantain was used for making food and medicine in the palace and private house as a practical use. The limit of this study is that I mainly use the text translated into Korean of database of overall Korean classics. We hope the new things related to this study would be added up to this study by translating original texts into Korean more.