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A Study of the Health Service Computerization State and the Occupational Nurses's Satisfaction Level on Computerization (산업간호현장의 보건업무 전산화시스템 활용현황과 산업간호사의 전산화 직무만족도 연구)

  • Jung, Hee Young;Park, Hyoung-Sook
    • Korean Journal of Occupational Health Nursing
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    • v.13 no.1
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    • pp.5-18
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    • 2004
  • This study aims to investigate the use state of the health service computerization system in the occupational nursing field and the occupational nursers' satisfaction level, and provide basic data to promote the development of the health service computerization system for the nursing field. For this study, a questionnaire was provided to 118 occupational nurses who belong to Busan and Gyeongnam branches of KAOHN(Korean Association of Occupational Health Nurses) for 2 months (from Dec. 1, 2002 to Jan. 31, 2003). A tool of Choi Yong-Heui(2000) was used to investigate the satisfaction level of using the health service computerization system. The collected materials were analyzed in real number and percentage, average and standard deviation, t-test and ANOVA by using the SPSS WIN 10.0 program. This study is summarized as follows: 1. The average age was $31.99{\pm}5.58$ old in this study. The married were 54.2%. Participants who graduated from a junior college was 76.9%. The average service period was $4.48{\pm}4.68$ years. In service types, 79.7% of participants served in a health care center. The average service period was $3.22{\pm}2.89$ years. The service place which had 1000 workers or more was 35.6%. 2. Only 20.3% of participants in this study had a computer use education. 3. The field who participants used mostly was communication/internet, $3.29{\pm}.85$ hours in average. 4. 97.1% of occupational fields had computers and peripheral devices: 71.4% in pentium computer, 42.8% in the hard disk capacity of 20-29GB, 60.0% in 15 inch monitors, 86.2% in printers, 18.1% in digital cameras, 12.4% in LAN, and 9.5% in scanners. 80.1% of the occupational fields which were objects of study could use communication. 5. The occupational fields which did not introduced the health service computerization system were 62.8%. The main cause was attributable to entrepreneurs' insufficient recognition 66.6%. 51.5% of the entrepreneurs did not have an introduction plan. 37.2% of participating companies had the health service computerization system. 56.4% of them introduced it since the year 2000. 81.6% of the introduction motivation aimed to the efficiency of health service. The most issue upon introduction was insufficient understanding of a person in charge - 25.6%. The in-house development of the system covered 56.4%. 61.5% of the participants accepted their demands from the first stage of development. The direct effect of computerization showed the increase of 25.9% in the quickness and continuity of service treatment, and 25.9% in the serviceability of statistical treatment. 6. 22.0% of the participants had a computerization system use education. 69.2% of them had a in-house education. An educational method by nurses who used the computerization system was 76.9%. 92.3% of the education was helpful for practical duties. 7. An analysis of the computer use by health service fields showed that the medicine management in a health management field was 15.9%. the work environment measuring management in a work environment filed was 32.9%. the employment. general and special examination management in a heal th management field was 61.1 %. the various reports management in an administrative field was 64%. the health education data preparation management in an educational field was 58.0%. and the medicine and expendables management in an equipment management field was 51.6%. An analysis of the computerization system use showed that the various statistical data manage in a health management field was 13.0%. the work environment measuring management in a health management field was 34.8%. the personal disease management in a health management field was 51.9%. the heal education data preparation management in an educational field was 54.5%. and the equipment management of health care centers in an equipment management field was 52.6%. 8. 31.6% of the participants wanted that health service computerization system would include the generals of health services. 42.4% of the participants thought that first of all. the aggressive interest and investment of employers were required to build the health service computerization system. 9. The participants' satisfaction level on the computerization system use was $3.51{\pm}.57$ points. An analysis by each factor showed $3.62{\pm}.68$ points in a service change factor. $3.15{\pm}.63$ points in a computer program use factor, and $3.45{\pm}.71$ points in a continuous computerization use factor. 10. An analysis of the computerization system use by general characteristics of participants showed that the married (p = .022) had the satisfaction level higher than the unmarried. 11. The satisfaction level of the computerization system use by participants' computer use ability tended to be higher in proportion to the increase of computer use abilities in spreadsheet (F=2.606. p=.048). presentation (F=3.62. p=.012) and communication/internet(F=2.885. p=.0321. Based on the study results mentioned above. I will suggest as follows : The nationwide enlargement and repetition study is required for occupational nurses who serve in occupational nursing fields. The computerization system in a health service field is inferior comparing with other fields. The computerization system standard by business types and characteristics should be prepared through employers's aggressive participation and national support. Therefore various statistical data which occurs in occupational fields will be managed systematically and efficiently. A regular and systematic computer education plan for occupational nurses in charge of health services in the filed is urgently required to efficiently manage and improve the health of on-site workers.

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The recent essay of Bijeung - Study of III- (비증(痺證)에 대(對)한 최근(最近)의 제가학설(諸家學說) 연구(硏究) - 《비증전집(痺證專輯)》 에 대(對)한 연구(硏究) III -)

  • Yang, Tae-Hoon;Oh, Min-Suk
    • Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.513-545
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    • 2000
  • I. Introduction Bi(痺) means blocking. It can reach at the joints or muscles or whole body and make pains. Numbness and movement disorders. BiJeung can be devided into SilBi and HeoBi. In SilBi there are PungHanSeupBi, YeolBi and WanBi. In HeoBi, there are GiHyeolHeoBi, EumHeoBi and YangHeoBi. The common principle for the treatment of BiJeung is devision of the chronic stage and the acute stage. In the acute stage, BiJeung is usually cured easily but in the chronic stage, it is difficult. In the terminal stage, BiJeung can reach at the internal organs. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. So I studied ${\ll}Bijeungjujip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision 1. BanSuMun(斑秀文) thought that BiJeung can be cured by blocking of blood stream. So he insisted that the important thing to cure BiJeung is to improve the blood stream. He usually used DangGuiSaYeokTang(當歸四逆湯), DangGuiJakYakSanHapORyeongSan, DoHong-SaMulTang(桃紅四物湯), SaMyoSanHapHeuiDongTang and HwangGiGyeJiOMulTang. 2. JangGeonBu(張健夫) focused on soothing muscles and improving blood seam. So he used many herbs like WiRyeongSeon(威靈仙), GangHwal(羌活), DokHwal(獨活), WooSeul(牛膝), etc. Especially he pasted wastes of the boiled herbs. 3. OSeongNong(吳聖農) introduced four rules to treat arthritis. So he usually used SeoGak-SanGaGam(犀角散加減), BoYanHwanOTang(補陽還五湯), ODuTang(烏頭湯), HwangGiGyeJiOMulTang. 4. GongJiSin thought disk hernia as one kind of BiJeung. And he said that Pung can hurt upper limbs and Seup can hurt lower limbs. He used to use GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍藥知母湯). 5. LoJiJeong(路志正) introduced four principles to treat BiJeung. He used BangPungTang(防風湯), DaeJinGuTang) for PungBi(風痺), OPaeTang(烏貝湯) for HanBi(寒痺), YukGunJaTang(六君子湯) for SeupBi(濕痺) and SaMyoTang(四妙湯), SeonBiTang(宣痺湯), BaekHoGaGyeTang(白虎加桂湯) for YeolBi(熱痺). 6. GangChunHwa(姜春華) discussed herbs. He said SaengJiHwang(生地黃) is effective for PungSeupBi and WiRyungSun(威靈仙) is effective for the joints pain. He usually used SipJeonDaeBoTang(十全大補湯), DangGuiDaeBoTang(當歸大補湯), YoukGunJaTang(六君子湯) and YukMiJiHwanTang(六味地黃湯). 7. DongGeonHwa(董建華) said that the most important thing to treat BiJeung is how to use herbs. He usually used CheonO(川烏), MaHwang(麻黃) for HanBi, SeoGak(犀角) for YeolBi, BiHae) or JamSa(蠶沙) for SeupBi, SukJiHwang(熟地黃) or Vertebrae of Pigs for improving the function of kidney and liver, deer horn or DuChung(杜沖) for improving strength of body and HwangGi(黃?) or OGaPi(五加皮) for improving the function of heart. 8. YiSuSan(李壽山) devided BiJeung into two types(PungHanSeupBi, PungYeolSeupBi). And he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍藥知母湯) for the treatment of gout. And he liked to use HwanGiGyeJiOMulTangHapSinGiHwan 枝五物湯合腎氣丸) for the treat ment of WanBi(頑痺). 9. AnDukHyeong(顔德馨) made YongMaJeongTongDan(龍馬定痛丹)-(MaJeonJa(馬錢子) 30g, JiJaChung 3g, JiRyong(地龍) 3g, JeonGal(全蝎) 3g, JuSa(朱砂) 0.3g) 10. JangBaekYou(張伯臾) devided BiJeung into YeolBi and HanBi. And he focused on improving blood stream. 11. JinMuO(陳茂梧) introduced anti-wind and dampness prescription(HoJangGeun(虎杖根) 15g, CheonChoGeun 15g, SangGiSaeng(桑寄生) 15g, JamSa(蠶絲) 15g, JeMaJeonJa(制馬錢子) 3g). 12. YiChongBo(李總甫) explained basic prescriptions to treat BiJeung. He used SinJeongChuBiEum(新定推痺陰) for HaengBi(行痺), SinJeongHwaBiSan(新定化痺散) for TongBi(痛痺), SinJeongGaeBiTang(新定開痺湯) for ChakBi(着痺), SinJeongCheongBiEum(新定淸痺飮) for SeupYeolBi(濕熱痺), SinRyeokTang(腎瀝湯) for PoBi(胞痺), ORyeongSan for BuBi(腑痺), OBiTang(五痺湯) for JangBi(臟痺), SinChakTang(腎着湯) for SingChakByeong(腎着病). 13. HwangJeonGeuk(黃傳克) used SaMu1SaDeungHapJe(四物四藤合制) for the treatment of a acute arthritis, PalJinHpPalDeungTang(八珍合八藤湯) or BuGyeJiHwangTangHapTaDeungTang(附桂地黃湯合四藤湯) for the chronic stage and ByeolGapJeungAekTongRakEum(鱉甲增液通絡飮) for EumHeo(陰虛) 14. GaYeo(柯與參) used HwalRakJiTongTang(活絡止痛湯) for shoulder ache, SoJongJinTongHwalRakTank(消腫鎭痛活絡湯) for YeolBi(熱痺), LiGwanJeolTang(利關節湯) for ChakBi(着痺), SinBiTang(腎痺湯) for SinBi(腎痺) and SamGyoBoSinHwan(三膠補腎丸) for back ache. 15. JangGilJin(蔣길塵) liked to use hot-character herbs and insects. And he used SeoGeunLipAnTang(舒筋立安湯) as basic prescription. 16. RyuJangGeol(留章杰) used GuMiGangHwalTang(九味羌活湯) and BangPungTang(防風湯) at the acute stage, ODuTang(烏頭湯) or GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍藥知母湯) for HanBi of internal organs, YangHwaHaeEungTang(陽和解凝湯) for HanBi, DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯), EuiYiInTang(薏苡仁湯) for SeupBi, YukGunJaTang(六君子湯) for GiHeoBi(氣虛痺) and SeongYouTang(聖兪湯) for HyeolHeoBi(血虛痺). 17. YangYuHak(楊有鶴) liked to use SoGyeongHwalHyelTang(疏經活血湯) and he would rather use DoIn(桃仁), HongHwa(紅花), DangGui(當歸), CheonGung(川芎) than insects. 18. SaHongDo(史鴻濤) made RyuPungSeupTang(類風濕湯)-((HwangGi 200g, JinGu 20g, BangGi(防己) 15g, HongHwa(紅花) 15g, DoIn(桃仁) 15g, CheongPungDeung(靑風藤) 20g, JiRyong(地龍) 15g, GyeJi(桂枝) 15g, WoSeul(牛膝) 15g, CheonSanGap(穿山甲) 15g, BaekJi(白芷) 15g, BaekSeonPi(白鮮皮) 15g, GamCho(甘草) 15g).

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Study of BiJeung by 18 doctors - Study of II - (18인(人)의 비증(痺證) 논술(論述)에 대(對)한 연구(硏究) - 《비증전집(痺證專輯)》 에 대(對)한 연구(硏究) II -)

  • Sohn, Dong Woo;Oh, Min Suk
    • Journal of Haehwa Medicine
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    • v.9 no.1
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    • pp.595-646
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    • 2000
  • I. Introduction Bi(痺) means blocking. BiJeung is one kind of symptoms making muscles, bones and jonts feel pain, numbness or edema. For example it can be gout or SLE etc. says that Bi is combination of PungHanSeup. And many doctors said that BiJeung is caused by food, fatigue, sex, stress and change of weather. Therefore we must treat BiJeung by character of patients and characteristic of the disease. Many famous doctors studied medical science by their fathers or teachers. So the history of medical science is long. So I studied ${\ll}Bijeungjujip{\gg}$. II. Final Decision 1. JoGeumTak(趙金鐸) devided BiJeung into Pung, Han, Seup and EumHeo, HeulHeo, YangHeo, GanSinHeo by charcter or reaction of pain. And he use DaeJinGyoTang, GyegiGakYakJiMoTang, SamyoSan, etc. 2. JangPaeGyeu(張沛圭) focused on division of HanYeol(寒熱; coldness and heat) in spite of complexity of BiJeung. He also used insects for treatment. They are very useful for treatment of BiJeung because they can remove EoHyeol(瘀血). 3. SeolMaeng(薛盟) said that the actual cause of BiJeung is Seup. So he thought that BiJeung can be divided into PungSeup, SeupYeol, HanSeup. And he established 6 rules to treat BiJeung and he studied herbs. 4. JangGi(張琪) introduced 10 prescriptions and 10 rules to cure BiJeung. The 1st prescription is for OyeSa, 2nd for internal Yeol, 3rd for old BiJeung, 4th for Soothing muscles, 5th for HanSeup, 6th for regular BiJeung, 7th for functional disorder, 8th for YeolBi, 9th for joint pain and 10th for pain of lower limb. 5. GangSeYoung(江世英) used PungYeongTang(風靈湯) for the treatment of PungBi, OGyeHeukHoTang(烏桂黑虎湯) for HanBi, BangGiMokGwaTang(防己木瓜湯) for SeupBi, YeolBiTang(熱痺湯) for YeolBi, WoDaeRyeokTang(牛大力湯) for GiHei, HyeolPungGeunTang(血楓根湯) for HyeolHeo, ToJiRyongTang(土地龍湯) for the acute stage of SeupBi, OJoRyongTang(五爪龍湯) for the chronic stage of SeupBi, and so on. 6. ShiGeumMook(施今墨) devided BiJeung into four types. They are PungSeupYeol, PungHanSeup, GiHyeolSil(氣血實) and GiHyeolHeo(氣血虛). And he introduced the eight rules of the treatment(SanPun(散風), ChukHan(逐寒), GeoSeuP(, CheongYeol(淸熱), TongRak(通絡), HwalHyeol(活血), HaengGi(行氣), BoHeo(補虛)). 7. WangYiYou(王李儒) explained the acute athritis and said that it can be applicable to HaneBi(行痺). And he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang(桂枝芍蘂知母湯) for HanBi and YeolBiJinTongTang(熱痺鎭痛湯) for YeolBi. 8. JangJinYeo(章眞如) said that YeolBi is more common than HanBi. The sympthoms of YeolBi are severe pain, fever, dried tongue, insomnia, etc. And he devided YeolBi into SilYeol and HeoYeol. In case of SilYeol, he used GyeoJiTangHapBaekHoTang(桂枝湯合白虎湯) and in case of HeoYeol he used JaEumYangAekTang(滋陰養液湯). 9. SaHaeJu(謝海洲) introduced three important rules of treatment and four appropriate rules of treatment of BiJeung. 10. YouDoJu(劉渡舟) said that YeolBi is more common than HanBi. He used GaGamMokBanGiTang(加減木防已湯) for YeolBi, GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang or GyeJiBuJaTang(桂枝附子湯) for HanBi and WooHwangHwan(牛黃丸) for the joint pain. 11. GangYiSon(江爾遜) focused on the internal cause. The most important internal cause is JeongGiHeo(正氣虛). So he tried to treat BiJeung by means of balance of Gi and Hyeol. So he ususlly used ODuTang(烏頭湯) and SamHwangTang(三黃湯) for YeolBi, OJeokSan(五積散) for HanBi, SamBiTang(三痺湯) for the chronic BiJeung. 12. HoGeonHwa(胡建華) said that to distinguish YeolBi from Hanbi is very difficult. So he used GyeJiJakYakJiMoTang in case of mixture of HanBi and YeoBi. 13. PiBokGo(畢福高) said that the most common BiJeung is HanBi. He usually used acupuncture with medicine. He followed the theory of EumYongHwa(嚴用和)-he focused on SeonBoHuSa(先補後瀉). 14. ChoiMunBin(崔文彬) used GeoPungHwalHyeolTang(祛風活血湯) for HanBi, SanHanTongRakTang(散寒通絡湯) for TongBi(痛痺), LiSeupHwaRakTang(利濕和絡湯) for ChakBi(着痺), CheongYeolTongGyeolChukBiTang(淸熱通經逐痺湯) for YeolBi(熱痺) and GeoPungHwalHyeolTang(祛風活血湯) for PiBi(皮痺). 15. YouleokSeon(劉赤選) introduced the common principle for the treatment of BiJeung. He used HaePuneDeungTang(海風藤湯) for HaengBi(行痺), SinChakTang(腎着湯), DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯) for TongBi(痛痺), TongPungBang(痛風方) for ChakBi(着痺) and SangGiYiMiTangGaYeongYangGakTang(桑枝苡米湯加羚羊角骨) for YeolBi(熱痺). 16. LimHakHwa(林鶴和) said about TanTan(movement disorders or numbness) and devided TanTan into the acute stage and the chronic stage. He used acupuncture at the meridian spot like YeolGyeol(列缺), HapGok(合谷), etc. And he also used MaHwangBuJaSeSinTang(麻黃附子細辛湯) in case of the acute stage. In the chronic stage he used BangPungTang(防風湯). 17. JinBaekGeun(陳伯勤) liked to use three rules(HwaHyeol(活血), ChiDam(治痰), BoSin(補腎)) to treat BiJeung. He used JinTongSan(鎭痛散) for the purpose of HwalHyeol(活血), SoHwalRakDan(小活絡丹) for ChiDam(治痰) and DokHwalGiSaengTang(獨活寄生湯) for BoSin(補腎). 18. YimGyeHak(任繼學) focused on YangHyeolJoGi(養血調氣) if the stage of BiJeung is chronic. And in the chronic stage he insisted on not using GalHwal(羌活), DokHwal(獨活) and BangPung(防風).

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Studies on the Physical and Chemical Denatures of Cocoon Bave Sericin throughout Silk Filature Processes (제사과정 전후에서의 견사세리신의 물리화학적 성질변화에 관한 연구)

  • 남중희
    • Journal of Sericultural and Entomological Science
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    • v.16 no.1
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    • pp.21-48
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    • 1974
  • The studies were carried out to disclose the physical and chemical properties of sericin fraction obtained from silk cocoon shells and its characteristics of swelling and solubility. The following results were obtained. 1. The physical and chemical properties of sericin fraction. 1) In contrast to the easy water soluble sericin, the hard soluble sericin contains fewer amino acids include of polar side radical while the hard soluble amino acid sach as alanine and leucine were detected. 2) The easy soluble amino acids were found mainly on the outer part of the fibroin, but the hard soluble amino acids were located in the near parts to the fibroin. 3) The swelling and solubility of the sericin could be hardly assayed by the analysis of the amino acid composition, and could be considered to tee closely related to the compound of the sericin crystal and secondary structure. 4) The X-ray patterns of the cocoon filament were ring shape, but they disappeared by the degumming treatment. 5) The sericin of tussah silkworm (A. pernyi), showed stronger circular patterns in the meridian than the regular silkworm (Bombyx mori). 6) There was no pattern difference between Fraction A and B. 7) X-ray diffraction patterns of the Sericin 1, ll and 111 were similar except interference of 8.85A (side chain spacing). 8) The amino acids above 150 in molecular weight such as Cys. Tyr. Phe. His. and Arg. were not found quantitatively by the 60 minutes-hydrolysis (6N-HCI). 9) The X-ray Pattern of 4.6A had a tendency to disappear with hot-water, ether, and alcohol treatment. 10) The partial hydrolysis of sericin showed a cirucular interference (2A) on the meridian. 11) The sericin pellet after hydrolysis was considered to be peptides composed with specific amino acids. 12) The decomposing temperature of Sericin 111 was higher than that of Sericin I and II. 13) Thermogram of the inner portioned sericin of the cocoon shell had double endothermic peaks at 165$^{\circ}C$, and 245$^{\circ}C$, and its decomposing temperature was higher than that of other portioned sericin. 14) The infrared spectroscopic properties among sericin I, II, III and sericin extracted from each layer portion of the cocoon shell were similar. II. The characteristics of seriein swelling and solubility related with silk processing. 1) Fifteen minutes was required to dehydrate the free moisture of cocoon shells with centrifugal force controlled at 13${\times}$10$^4$ dyne/g at 3,000 R.P.M. B) It took 30 minutes for the sericin to show positive reaction with the Folin-Ciocaltue reagent at room temperature. 3) The measurable wave length of the visible radiation was 500-750m${\mu}$, and the highest absorbance was observed at the wave length of 650m${\mu}$. 4) The colorimetric analysis should be conducted at 650mu for low concentration (10$\mu\textrm{g}$/$m\ell$), and at 500m${\mu}$ for the higher concentration to obtain an exact analysis. 5) The absorbing curves of sericin and egg albumin at different wave lengths were similar, but the absorbance of the former was slightly higher than that of the latter. 6) The quantity of the sericin measured by the colorimetric analysis, turned out to be less than by the Kjeldahl method. 7) Both temperature and duration in the cocoon cooking process has much effect on the swelling and solubility of the cocoon shells, but the temperature was more influential than the duration of the treatment. 8) The factorial relation between the temperature and the duration of treatment of the cocoon cooking to check for siricin swelling and solubility showed that the treatment duration should be gradually increased to reach optimum swelling and solubility of sericin with low temperature(70$^{\circ}C$) . High temperature, however, showed more sharp increase. 9) The more increased temperature in the drying of fresh cocoons, the less the sericin swelling and solubility were obtained. 10) In a specific cooking duration, the heavier the cocoon shell is, the less the swelling and solubility were obtained. 11) It was considered that there are differences in swelling or solubility between the filaments of each cocoon layer. 12) Sericin swelling or solubility in the cocoon filament was decreased by the wax extraction.. 13) The ionic surface active agent accelerated the swelling and solubility of the sericin at the range of pH 6-7. 14) In the same conditions as above, the cation agent was absorbed into the sericin. 15) In case of the increase of Ca ang Mg in the reeling water, its pH value drifted toward the acidity. 16) A buffering action was observed between the sericin and the water hardness constituents in the reeling water. 17) The effect of calcium on the swelling and solubility of the sericin was more moderate than that of magnecium. 18) The solute of the water hardness constituents increased the electric conductivity in the reeling water.

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Management and Use of Oral History Archives on Forced Mobilization -Centering on oral history archives collected by the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea- (강제동원 구술자료의 관리와 활용 -일제강점하강제동원피해진상규명위원회 소장 구술자료를 중심으로-)

  • Kwon, Mi-Hyun
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.16
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    • pp.303-339
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    • 2007
  • "The damage incurred from forced mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism" means the life, physical, and property damage suffered by those who were forced to lead a life as soldiers, civilians attached to the military, laborers, and comfort women forcibly mobilized by the Japanese Imperialists during the period between the Manchurian Incident and the Pacific War. Up to the present time, every effort to restore the history on such a compulsory mobilization-borne damage has been made by the damaged parties, bereaved families, civil organizations, and academic circles concerned; as a result, on March 5, 2004, Disclosure act of Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism[part of it was partially revised on May 17, 2007]was officially established and proclaimed. On the basis of this law, the Truth Commission on Forced Mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism Republic of Korea[Compulsory Mobilization Commission hence after] was launched under the jurisdiction of the Prime Minister on November 10, 2004. Since February 1, 2005, this organ has begun its work with the aim of looking into the real aspects of damage incurred from compulsory mobilization under the Japanese Imperialism, by which making the historical truth open to the world. The major business of this organ is to receive the damage report and investigation of the reported damage[examination of the alleged victims and bereaved families, and decision-making], receipt of the application for the fact-finding & fact finding; fact finding and matters impossible to make judgment; correction of a family register subsequent to the damage judgement; collection & analysis of data concerning compulsory mobilization at home and from abroad and writing up of a report; exhumation of the remains, remains saving, their repatriation, and building project for historical records hall and museum & memorial place, etc. The Truth Commission on Compulsory Mobilization has dug out and collected a variety of records to meet the examination of the damage and fact finding business. As is often the case with other history of damage, the records which had already been made open to the public or have been newly dug out usually have their limits to ascertaining of the diverse historical context involved in compulsory mobilization in their quantity or quality. Of course, there may happen a case where the interested parties' story can fill the vacancy of records or has its foundational value more than its related record itself. The Truth Commission on Compulsory mobilization generated a variety of oral history records through oral interviews with the alleged damage-suffered survivors and puts those data to use for examination business, attempting to make use of those data for public use while managing those on a systematic method. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization-possessed oral history archives were generated based on a drastic planning from the beginning of their generation, and induced digital medium-based production of those data while bearing the conveniences of their management and usage in mind from the stage of production. In addition, in order to surpass the limits of the oral history archives produced in the process of the investigating process, this organ conducted several special training sessions for the interviewees and let the interviewees leave their real context in time of their oral testimony in an interview journal. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization isn't equipped with an extra records management system for the management of the collected archives. The digital archives are generated through the management system of the real aspects of damage and electronic approval system, and they plays a role in registering and searching the produced, collected, and contributed records. The oral history archives are registered at the digital archive and preserved together with real records. The collected oral history archives are technically classified at the same time of their registration and given a proper number for registration, classification, and keeping. The Truth Commission on compulsory mobilization has continued its publication of oral history archives collection for the positive use of them and is also planning on producing an image-based matters. The oral history archives collected by this organ are produced, managed and used in as positive a way as possible surpassing the limits produced in the process of investigation business and budgetary deficits as well as the absence of records management system, etc. as the form of time-limit structure. The accumulated oral history archives, if a historical records hall and museum should be built as regulated in Disclosure act of forced mobilization, would be more systematically managed and used for the public users.

A Study on Jeong Su-yeong's Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers through the Lens of Boating and Mountain Outings (선유(船遊)와 유산(遊山)으로 본 정수영(鄭遂榮)의 《한임강유람도권》 고찰)

  • Hahn, Sangyun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.89-122
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    • 2019
  • In this paper, I argue that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers by Jeong Su-yeong (1743~1831, pseudonym: Jiwujae) is a record of his private journeys to several places on the outskirts of Hanyang (present-day Seoul) and that it successfully embodies the painter's subjective perspective while boating on these rivers and going on outings to nearby mountains. Around 1796, Jeong Su-yeong traveled to different places and documented his travels in this 16-meter-long handscroll. Several leaves of paper, each of which depicts a separate landscape, are pieced together to create this long handscroll. This indicates that the Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers reflected the painter's personal subjective experiences as he went along his journey rather than simply depicts travel destinations. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers features two types of travel: boating and mountain outings on foot. Traveling by boat takes up a large portion of the handscroll, which illustrates the channels of the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers. Mountain outings correspond to the sections describing the regions around Bukhansan, Gwanaksan, and Dobongsan Mountains. Jeong Su-yeong traveled to this wide span of places not just once, but several times. The fact that the Hangang River system are not presented in accordance with their actual locations shows that they were illustrated at different points. After visiting the riversides of the Hangang and Namhangang Rivers twice, Jeong Su-yeong delineated them in fourteen scenes. Among them, the first eight illustrate Jeong's initial trip by boat, while the other six scenes are vistas from his second trip. These fourteen scenes occupy half of this handscroll, indicating that the regions near the Hangang River are painted most frequently. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's first boating trip to the system of the Hangang River portray the landscapes that he personally witnessed rather than famous scenes. Some of the eight scenic views of Yeoju, including Yongmunsan Mountain, Cheongsimru Pavilion, and Silleuksa Temple, are included in this handscroll. However, Jeong noted spots that were not often painted and depicted them using an eye-level perspective uncommon for illustrating famous scenic locations. The scenes of Jeong's second boating trip include his friend's villa and a meeting with companions. Moreover, Cheongsimru Pavilion and Silleuksa Temple, which are depicted in the first boating trip, are illustrated again from different perspectives and in unique compositions. Jeong Su-yeong examined the same locations several times from different angles. A sense of realism is demonstrated in the scenes of Jeong's first and second boating trips to the channels of the Hangang River, which depict actual roads. Furthermore, viewers can easily follow the level gaze of Jeong from the boat. The scenes depicting the Imjingang River begin from spots near the Yeongpyeongcheon and Hantangang Rivers and end with places along the waterways of the Imjingang River. Here, diverse perspectives were applied, which is characteristic of Imjingang River scenes. Jeong Su-yeong employed a bird's-eye perspective to illustrate the flow of a waterway starting from the Yeongpyeongcheon River. He also used an eye-level perspective to highlight the rocks of Baegundam Pool. Thus, depending on what he wished to emphasize, Jeong applied different perspectives. Hwajeogyeon Pond located by the Hantangang River is illustrated from a bird's-eye perspective to present a panoramic view of the surroundings and rocks. Similarly, the scenery around Uhwajeong Pavilion by the Imjingang River are depicted from the same perspective. A worm's-eye view was selected for Samseongdae Cliff in Tosangun in the upper regions of the Imjingang River and for Nakhwaam Rock. The scenes of Jeong Su-yeong's mountain outings include pavilions and small temple mainly. In the case of Jaeganjeong Pavilion on Bukhansan Mountain, its actual location remains unidentified since the pavilion did not lead to the route of the boating trip to the system of the Hangang River and was separately depicted from other trips to the mountains. I speculate that Jaeganjeong Pavilion refers to a pavilion either in one of the nine valleys in Wooyi-dong at the foot of Bukhansan Mountain or in Songajang Villa. Since these two pavilions are situated in the valleys of Bukhansan Mountain, their descriptions in written texts are similar. As for Gwanaksan Mountain, Chwihyangjeong and Ilganjeong Pavilions as well as Geomjisan Mountain in the Bukhansan Mountain range are depicted. Ilganjeong Pavilion was a well-known site on Gwanaksan that belonged to Shin Wi. In this handscroll, however, Jeong Su-yeong recorded objective geographic information on the pavilion rather than relating it to Shin Wi. "Chwihyangjeong Pavilion" is presented within the walls, while "Geomjisan Mountain" is illustrated outside the walls. Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers also includes two small temples, Mangwolam and Okcheonam, on Dobongsan Mountain. The actual locations of these are unknown today. Nevertheless, Gungojip (Anthology of Gungo) by Yim Cheonsang relates that they were sited on Dobongsan Mountain. Compared to other painters who stressed Dobong Seowon (a private Confucian academy) and Manjangbong Peak when depicting Dobongsan Mountain, Jeong Su-yeong highlighted these two small temples. Jeong placed Yeongsanjeon Hall and Cheonbong Stele in "Mangwolam small temple" and Daeungjeon Hall in front of "Okcheonam small temple." In addition to the buildings of the small temple, Jeong drew the peaks of Dobongsan Mountain without inscribing their names, which indicates that he intended the Dobongsan peaks as a background for the scenery. The Handscroll of a Sightseeing Trip to the Hangang and Imjingang Rivers is of great significance in that it embodies Jeong Su-yeong's personal perceptions of scenic spots on the outskirts of Hanyang and records his trips to these places.

Kim Eung-hwan's Official Excursion for Drawing Scenic Spots in 1788 and his Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains (1788년 김응환의 봉명사경과 《해악전도첩(海嶽全圖帖)》)

  • Oh, Dayun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.54-88
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    • 2019
  • The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains comprises sixty real scenery landscape paintings depicting Geumgangsan Mountain, the Haegeumgang River, and the eight scenic views of Gwandong regions, as well as fifty-one pieces of writing. It is a rare example in terms of its size and painting style. The paintings in this album, which are densely packed with natural features, follow the painting style of the Southern School yet employ crude and unconventional elements. In them, stones on the mountains are depicted both geometrically and three-dimensionally. Since 1973, parts of this album have been published in some exhibition catalogues. The entire album was opened to the public at the special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea" held at the National Museum of Korea in 2019. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains was attributed to Kim Eung-hwan (1742-1789) due to the signature on the final leaf of the album and the seal reading "Bokheon(painter's penname)" on the currently missing album leaf of Chilbodae Peaks. However, there is a strong possibility that this signature and seal may have been added later. This paper intends to reexamine the creator of this album based on a variety of related factors. In order to understand the production background of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, I investigated the eighteenth-century tradition of drawing scenic spots while travelling in which scenery of was depicted during private travels or official excursions. Jeong Seon(1676-1759), Sim Sa-jeong(1707-1769), Kim Yun-gyeom(1711-1775), Choe Buk(1712-after 1786), and Kang Se-hwang(1713-1791) all went on a journey to Geumgangsan Mountain, the most famous travel destination in the late Joseon period, and created paintings of the mountain, including Album of Pungak Mountain in the Sinmyo Year(1711) by Jeong Seon. These painters presented their versions of the traditional scenic spots of Inner Geumgangsan and newly depicted vistas they discovered for themselves. To commemorate their private visits, they produced paintings for their fellow travelers or sponsors in an album format that could include several scenes. While the production of paintings of private travels to Geumgangsan Mountain increased, King Jeongjo(r. 1776-1800) ordered Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do, court painters at the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), to paint scenic spots in the nine counties of the Yeongdong region and around Geumgangsan Mountain. King Jeongjo selected these two as the painters for the official excursion taking into account their relationship, their administrative experience as regional officials, and their distinct painting styles. Starting in the reign of King Yeongjo(r. 1724-1776), Kim Eung-hwan and Kim Hong-do served as court painters at the Dohwaseo, maintained a close relationship as a senior and a junior and as colleagues, and served as chalbang(chief in large of post stations) in the Yeongnam region. While Kim Hong-do was proficient at applying soft and delicate brushstrokes, Kim Eung-hwan was skilled at depicting the beauty of robust and luxuriant landscapes. Both painters produced about 100 scenes of original drawings over fifty days of the official excursion. Based on these original drawings, they created around seventy album leaves or handscrolls. Their paintings enriched the tradition of depicting scenic spots, particularly Outer Inner Geumgang and the eight scenic views of Gwandong around Geumgangsan Mountain during private journeys in the eighteenth century. Moreover, they newly discovered places of scenic beauty in the Outer Geungang and Yeongdong regions, establishing them as new painting themes. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains consists of four volumes. The volumes I, II include twenty-nine paintings of Inner Geumgangsan; the volume III, seventeen scenes of Outer Geumgangsan; and the volume IV, fourteen images of Maritime Geumgangsan and the eight scenic views of Gwandong. These paintings produced on silk show crowded compositions, geometrical depictions of the stones and the mountains, and distinct presentation of the rocky peaks of Geumgangsan Mountain using white and grayish-blue pigments. This album reflects the Joseon painting style of the mid- and late eighteenth century, integrating influences from Jeong Seon, Kang Se-hwang, Sim Sa-jeong, Jeong Chung-yeop(1725-after 1800), and Kim Hong-do. In particular, some paintings in the album show similarities to Kim Hong-do's Album of Famous Mountains in Korea in terms of its compositions and painterly motifs. However, "Yeongrangho Lake," "Haesanjeong Pavilion," and "Wolsongjeong Pavilion" in Kim Eung-hwan's album differ from in the version by Kim Hong-do. Thus, Kim Eung-hwan was influenced by Kim Hong-do, but produced his own distinctive album. The Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains includes scenery of "Jaundam Pool," "Baegundae Peak," "Viewing Birobong Peak at Anmunjeom groove," and "Baekjeongbong Peak," all of which are not depicted in other albums. In his version, Kim Eung-hwan portrayed the characteristics of the natural features in each scenic spot in a detailed and refreshing manner. Moreover, he illustrated stones on the mountains using geometric shapes and added a sense of three-dimensionality using lines and planes. Based on the painting traditions of the Southern School, he established his own characteristics. He also turned natural features into triangular or rectangular chunks. All sixty paintings in this album appear rough and unconventional, but maintain their internal consistency. Each of the fifty-one writings included in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains is followed by a painting of a scenic spot. It explains the depicted landscape, thus helping viewers to understand and appreciate the painting. Intimately linked to each painting, the related text notes information on traveling from one scenic spot to the next, the origins of the place names, geographic features, and other related information. Such encyclopedic documentation began in the early nineteenth century and was common in painting albums of Geumgangsan Mountain in the mid- nineteenth century. The text following the painting of Baekhwaam Hermitage in the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains documents the reconstruction of the Baekhwaam Hermitage in 1845, which provides crucial evidence for dating the text. Therefore, the owner of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains might have written the texts or asked someone else to transcribe them in the mid- or late nineteenth century. In this paper, I have inferred the producer of the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains to be Kim Eung-hwan based on the painting style and the tradition of drawing scenic spots during official trips. Moreover, its affinity with the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain created by Kim Ha-jong(1793-after 1878) after 1865 is another decisive factor in attributing the album to Kim Eung-hwan. In contrast to the Album of Famous Mountains in Korea by Kim Hong-do, the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains exerted only a minor influence on other painters. The Handscroll of Pungak Mountain by Kim Ha-jong is the sole example that employs the subject matter from the Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains and follows its painting style. In the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain, Kim Ha-jong demonstrated a painting style completely different from that in the Album of Seas and Mountains that he produced fifty years prior in 1816 for Yi Gwang-mun, the magistrate of Chuncheon. He emphasized the idea of "scholar thoughts" by following the compositions, painterly elements, and depictions of figures in the painting manual style from Kim Eung-hwan's Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains. Kim Ha-jong, a member of the Gaeseong Kim clan and the eldest grandson of Kim Eung-hwan, is presumed to have appreciated the paintings depicted in the nature of Album of Complete Views of Seas and Mountains, which had been passed down within the family, and newly transformed them. Furthermore, the contents and narrative styles of Yi Yu-won's writings attached to the paintings in the Handscroll of Pungak Mountain are similar to those of the fifty-one writings in Kim Eunghwan's album. This suggests a possible influence of the inscriptions in Kim Eung-hwan's album or the original texts from which these inscriptions were quoted upon the writings in Kim Ha-jong's handscroll. However, a closer examination will be needed to determine the order of the transcription of the writings. The Album of Complete View of Seas and Mountains differs from Kim Hong-do's paintings of his official trips and other painting albums he influenced. This album is a siginificant artwork in that it broadens the understanding of the art world of Kim Eung-hwan and illustrates another layer of real scenery landscape paintings in the late eighteenth century.