• Title/Summary/Keyword: Koryo

검색결과 373건 처리시간 0.028초

고려의 원시영역 유목초지, 그 부르칸(불함)이즘과 한국축산의 비전 (Burqanism from the Origin of the Pastoral Nomadic Koryo Region and the Vision of Korean Livestock Farming)

  • 주채혁
    • 한국초지조사료학회지
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    • 제25권1호
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    • pp.71-82
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    • 2005
  • Khori(高麗) refers to the Chaabog(reindeer) that live on lichens(蘚) on Mt. Soyon(鮮) in which pastures are the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia. Thus, the origin region of the Khori or Koguryo that are the ancestors of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads(馴鹿 遊牧民) can be said to be the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas of North Eurasia and North America. When the pastoral nomads moved on to the great mountain(大山) zone of the Jangbaek(長白) to the Baekdu(白頭) Mountains, they could have been in contact with pastoral farmers or agricultural farmers living there and they became the farmers remaining on agricultural farms. They were the Koryo people, the ancestors of Korea. Staying in one place, they gradually forgot the origin of their reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic history in the Northwest area of Mt. Soyon, the small mountain(小山) zone of the Steppe-Taiga-Tundra pastoral areas. In other words, they lost their identity as reindeer-herding pastoral nomads when they entered the agricultural area after leaving the pastoral area. However, since their basic genes had already formed when they lived on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia, it is possible to study their pastoral nomadic history focusing on 'the minority living in the broad area(廣域少數)', by utilizing highly advanced biotechnological science and focusing on genes and information technology innovation, and removing various past hindrances in research. Therefore, it is not so difficult to restore the reindeerherding pastoral nomadic history of the Koguryo(高句麗) people and secure their pastoral nomadic identity, of which the first steps have already been taken into their historical stages. The Eurasian continent and the Korean peninsula, especially the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the Korean peninsula have been closely related to each other ecologically and historically. They can never be a separate space at all. The Eurasian continent lies horizontally east to west and thus, the continent forms an isothermal zone. Also, since the time of producing their own foods, it was relatively easy for people with their technology to move to other places owing to the pastoral nomadic characteristic of mobility. Unlike the Chungyen(中原) region, western Asia and the regions covering the Siberia-Manchu-Korean peninsula where food production revolution was first made were connected to the Mongolian lichens route(蘚苔之路: Ni, ukinii jam) and steppe roads. Although the ecological conditions of nature have changed a bit throughout a long history, it was natural for the many tribes in North Asia living on the largest Steppe-Taiga-Tundra area in the world to have believed 'the legends related to animals in relation to their founders and ancestors(獸祖傳說)'. Assuming that Siberian tigers and the tigers living on Mt. Baekdu were connected ecologically and genetically because of the ecological characteristics of the animals, and their migration from plateau to plateau, we would suspect that the Chosun(朝鮮) tribe living on Mt. Baekdu were ethnically and culturally more closely connected to the farther removed Ural-Altai tribes that lived on the cold and dry plateau region than to the Han(i14;) tribe who lived in Chungyen(中原) that was close to Mt. Baekdu. More evidence is the structure of the Korean language which has the form of 'Subject + Object + Verb', which is assumed to have originated from the speedy lifestyle of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads. The structure is quite different from that of the Han(漢) language, which is based on agricultural life. Also, it is natural for reindeer riding reindeerherding pastoral nomads or horse-riding sheep-herding pastoral nomads(騎馬, 羊遊牧民) to have held military and political power over the region and eventually to have established an ancient pastoral nomadic empire in the process of their conquest of agricultural regions. The stages for founding global empires in the history of mankind maybe largely divided into two, in terms of ecological conditions and occupations. They are the steppes and the oceans. Of course, the steppe-based empires were established based on the skills to deal with horses and the ability to shoot arrows while riding horses, along with the use of iron ware in the 8th century BC. The steppe-based empires became the foundation for an oceanic empire, which could have been established by the use of warships and warship guns since the 15th Century. Based on those facts, we know that Chosun, Puyo(夫餘), and Koguryo are the products of a developmental process of pastoral nomadic empires on the steppes. Maybe we can easily find the pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo more than we expected when we trace the origins and history of the Korean tribe living in the pastures located in the northwest area of Mt. Jangbaek by focusing on pastoral nomadic mobility and organization just as we have investigated the historic origins of Anglo-Saxons in America by focusing on the times before the 15th Century. In the process, we should keep in mind that English culture originated from the Industrial Revolution and was directly delivered to the American continent, although America was far from England and was not an intermediate point on long sojourns either. Further, American culture came back to England in a more advanced form later. The most important thing currently to be resolved is to cause Koreans to look back on their own history in a freer way of thinking and with diverse, profound, and sharp insight, taking away the old and existing conventional recognition that is entangled with complicated interests with Korean people and other countries. The meanings of Chosun, Khori, and Solongos have been interpreted arbitrarily without any historic evidence by the scholars who followed conventional tradition of fixed-minded aristocrats in an agricultural society. If the Siberian cultural properties of the stone age, the earthenware age, the bronze age, and the iron age are analyzed in such a way, archaeological discovery will never be able to contribute to the restoration of the Koguryo's pastoral nomadic identity. One should transcend the errors that tend to interpret the cultural properties discovered in the pastoral nomadic regions as not being differentiated from those of agricultural regions and just interpret them altogether from the agricultural point of view. A more careful intention is required in the interpretation of cultural properties of ancient Korean empires that seem to have been formed due to mutual interactions of pastoral nomadic and agricultural cultures. Also, it is required that the conventional recognition chain of 'reverse-genes' be severed, which has placed more weight on agricultural properties than pastoral nomadic ones, since their settlement on agricultural farms was made after the establishment of their ancient pastoral nomadic empires. There is no reason at all to place priority on stoneware, earthenware, bronze ware, and iron ware than on wooden ware(木器) and other ware which were made of animal skins(皮器), bones and horns(骨角器), in analyzing the history in the regions of reindeer or sheep pastures. Reading ancient Korean history from the perspective of pastoral nomadic history, one feels strongly the instinctive emotions to return to the natural 'mother place'. The reindeer-herding pastoral nomadic identity of the Koguryo people that has been accumulated in volumes in their genes and hidden deep inside and have interacted organically could be reborn with Burqanism(Burqan refers to 不咸 in Chinese), which was their religion by birth and symbolized as the red willow(紅柳=不咸). The mother place of the Koguryo's people is the endless vast green pastures of North Eurasia and North America, where we anticipated the development of Korean livestock farming following the inherent properties in the genes of the reindeer-herding pastoral nomads with Korean ancestors. We anticipate that the place would be the core resource that could contribute to the development of life of living creatures following the inherent properties of their genes and biotechnological factors. In other words, biotechnology used for a search for clues on the well-being of humans could be the fruit brought by Burqanism of the Koguryo people and the fruit of the globalization of Korean livestock farming. It is the Chosun farmer in China come from the vast nomadic reindeer pastures of North Eurasia that resolved the food problem of a billion Chinese people with lowland paddy rice seeds (水稻) by transforming Heilongjiang Province(黑龍江省) into an oceanic lowland paddy rice field(水田). Even Mao Tse-tung(毛擇東) could not resolve the food problem by his revolution campaigns for tens of years. Today is the very time that requires the development of special livestock farming following the inherent properties of the ancient Korean reindeer-herding pastoral nomads that respected the dignity of life on the cold and dry plateau of North Eurasia and the America continent. I suggest that research should be started from the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe in East Mongolia that was the homeland of Hanwoo(韓牛) and the central horse-herding steppe place(牧馬場) of Chingis Khan's Mongolia. The Dariganga Steppe is awash with an affluent natural environment for pastoral nomadic living however, the quality of life of the pastoral nomads there is still low. I suggest we Koreans, the descendents of the Koguryo, should take our first steps for our livestock farming business project and develop the Northern nomadic pastures, here at the pastures of the Dariganga Steppe, which is the Mongolian core place of state-of-the-art technology for military weapons.

한국의 세계기록유산 보존 현황 및 과제 (Preservation of World Records Heritage in Korea and Further Registry)

  • 김성수
    • 한국기록관리학회지
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    • 제5권2호
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    • pp.27-48
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    • 2005
  • 이 논문은 한국의 세계기록유산에 대하여 먼저 그 의미와 가치를 재확인하고, 이들 세계기록유산에 대한 보존 관리 및 그 현황을 조사하며, 한국의 기록유산을 디지털화 하는데 있어서의 문제점과 해결책을 모색하고, 추후 한국의 기록유산 중 세계기록유산으로 등록되기를 희망하는 4종의 기록물들에 대한 가치와 의의를 고찰한 연구이다. 본 연구의 상세 사항은 다음과 같다. 첫째, 제2장에서는 한국의 세계기록유산에 대한 가치와 의의를 고찰하였다. 먼저 세계기록유산의 선정기준과 절차 등을 먼저 파악하고, 한국의 세계기록유산인 "훈민정음" "조선왕조실록" "승정원일기" "직지(백운화상초록불조직지심체요절(白雲和尙抄錄佛祖直指心體要節))"에 대하여 각각 그 가치와 의미를 분석하였다. 둘째, 제3장에서는 '한국의 세계기록유산 보존 관리 현황'에서는 세계기록유산을 보존하고 있는 <서울대학교 규장각> <국가기록원 부산기록정보센터> <간송미술관>의 기관별로 그 보존 관리 현황을 고찰하였다. 그 결과, 이 3기관 모두 세계기록유산 보존 관리 현황은 '매우 우수하다'고 평가할 수 있었다. 즉, 1)그 세부적인 보안대책이 완벽하다. 2)그 보존방법에 있어서도 항온 항습의 특별한 서고를 별도로 마련하고, 이 서고 내에서 다시 '오동나무 상자 서장(書欌)'을 설치한 후, 이들 상자와 서장 속에 세계기록유산을 납입하여 보존하고 있다. 3)방화장치와 서고조명 및 소독 등에도 철저를 기하고 있음 등을 파악하였다. 셋째, 제4장에서는 '한국의 기록유산 디지털화 과제'에 대하여 개괄적으로 고찰하였다. 그 결과, 한국 기록유산의 디지털작업 및 DB구축에서 '디지털화 표준'이 가장 중요한 문제이며, 이 문제의 해결을 위해서는 디지털화(Digitization)에 대한 총체적이고 표준적인 시스템의 개발이 시급함을 지적하였다. 그리고 국가기록관리시스템을 개발한 경험이 있는 <국가기록원>과 한국학 고기록물의 디지털화에 많은 관심을 가진 <문화재청>이 공동으로 노력하여, 한국학 관련 기록유산의 디지타이제이션(Digitization)에 대한 총체적이고 표준적인 시스템의 개발이 요구됨을 파악하였다. 넷째, 제5장 '세계기록유산 등록을 추후 희망하는 한국의 기록유산'에서는 한민족의 기록유산 중에서 차후 세계기록유산으로 등재되기를 희망하는 4종 즉, 1)<해인사 고려대장경 경판>, 2)"동의보감", 3)"삼국유사", 4)"무구정광대다라니경"의 기록물에 국한하여, 그 어떤 의미에서 세계적인 가치와 의의가 있는가를 고찰하였다.

수산자원 소유.이용제도의 변천에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Evolution of the Holding and Utilizing System of Fisheries Resources in Korea)

  • 류정곤
    • 수산경영론집
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    • 제22권1호
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    • pp.1-52
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    • 1991
  • This study deals with the evolutional history of the holding and utilization of fisheries resources in Korea. Fisheries resources have the basic characteristics of the density dependent self-regulating renewable and common property resources, Irrational utilization of fisheries resources is mainly due to the unlimited access to the resources. The holding and utilization of fisheries resources in Koryo era was opened to everyone. But it was nationalized in the early Yi Dynasty. The purpose of its nationalization was to provent the paticular powered-man with their monoplized holding and to levy fisheries tax. Eoeop-peop, the first modern fisheries law in Korea, was enacted as a part of the invasion policy of Japan in 1908. With the japanese annexation of Korea in 1910, the Japanese Government established a new institutional system of fisheries as a part of an overall reformation of the institutional for an implementation of the colonial policy. It was very the new enacted Fisheries Law (Gyogyorei). Also the Government enacted compulsorily another new Fisheries Law (Chosen Gyogyorei) with its adjunct laws and regulations revise the institutional system of fisheries on May 1, 1930. After Eoeop-peop enactment, the fisheries resources in Korea could be used only under the license, permission, and statement. After Korea was from Japan in 1945, Korea Government at last enacted the new fisheries law (Susaneop-peop) in 1953. The goal of Susaneop-peop was to achive the general usage and protection of the fisheries resources, and to attain the development and democratization of the fishery in Korea. This law was amended 13 times until 1990. The license fishery have a legal right on the fishery, called a fishery rigt. This right means a right of exclusive occupation and utilization of a unit of the inshore fishing grounds. The main evolutional issues of license fishery are as the following : 1) the foundation of the exclusive usable fishery right(1911, Gyogyorei), 2) the deletion of the settled U9space lift net and settled space sein net fishery, and the expansion of the cooperative fishery-No.1, 2, and 3 type cooperative fishery-(3rd amendment, 1963), 3) the deletion of the No.2 and 3 type cooperative fishery, and the separation of the culturing fishery in No.1 and 2 type culturing fishery (13th amendment, 1990). The effective period of the license fishery was amended as the following : 1) 1908(Eoeop-peop) : within 10 years, renovation system, 2) 1929(Chosen Gyogyorei) : within 10 years, unlimited extension system, 3) 1971. 7th amendment : 10 years, renovation system, 4) 1972. 8th amendment : 10 years, only 1 extension system, 5) 1975. 9th amendment : 5-10 years, only 1 extension system, 6) 1990.13th amendment : 10 years, within 10 years of total extensional years. The priority order of the fishery license was established in 1953 (Susaneop-peop). The amendment of it is as follows : 1) 1953. enactment \circled1 the fishing grounds that the fishery right is extablished 1st order : the existing fishery right man, unlimited renovation 2nd order : the corporate that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 new fishing grounds 1st order : the corporate that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the rest experienced fishermen 2) 1971. 9th amendment \circled1 the fishing grounds that the fishery right is established 1st order : the existing fishery right man, unlimited renovation 2nd order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 4th order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 new fishing grounds 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen 3) 1981. 10th amendment \circled1 the inside of No.1 type cooperative fishing grounds 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd orer : the rest experienced fishermen 4) 1990. 13th amendment \circled1 No.1 type cultural fishery 1st order : the Eochongye that the regional fisherfolk organized 2nd order : the regional fishery cooperative that the regional fisherfolk organized 3rd order : the rest experienced fishermen \circled2 No.2 type cultural and settle fisher : general priority order The effective period of the permission fishery was amended 6 timed. First, it was within 5 years and renovation system (Eoeop-peop). Now it is 5 years and renovation system. The effective period of the statement fishery was amended 4 times. First, it was within 5 years, and then was amended within 3 years(Chonsen Gyogyorei). Now it is 5 years.

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한국 여성의 수발양식 관한 연구 -조선시대 여성 수발법을 중심으로- (A Study on the form of korean Women's Hair Style-From the Viewpoint of Woman's Hair Style in Cho-Sun Dynasty-)

  • 정상숙;조효순
    • 복식
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    • 제41권
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    • pp.95-105
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    • 1998
  • SOO-BAL(Hair Style) is a method Which match hair style to face and clothes with using hair covering and protecting the head. Also SOO-BAL includes personal ornaments using to avoid one's hair be disheveled. In a standpoint of beauty and spirit, etiquette SOO-BAL is a very important thing as one being dressed up. Until now, since just a form of hair style have been studied, hair styling process is nothing to be known and studied. Time after time, our unique traditional SOO-BAL is forgotten with clothes and then this th-esis will be classified hair styling form follow-ing a form of hair style in royal palace of the C-hosun dynasty. According to the record of HAE DONG HISTORY, it shows the same of attire between Ko-rean and chinese style in ae of the chosun. The reason in that there were no any certain boundary border and the interaction of culture between two countries was happened spontaneously at ancient time like the GOCHO-SUN age. Until the period of the three states, the korean attire be changed had gone with chinese one s-imilarly. The chinese form gave to influence on the EONJIN MEURI·POON-GI-MYEONG MEURI·JJO-CJIN MEURI·MOOK-EUN GOONG-BAL MEURI·OL-LIN MEURI·SSANGSANG-TU ME-URI be drawn wall painting in the KOKUR-YU. And a gold chignon accesso-ry unearthed in a MOO-RYOUNG royal mausoleum is proof of the korean attrire be changed with chinese. In the shilla dynasty at three years after Cjin-Deuk(A.D. 649) reign. It was recorded that the dynasty let women wear the form of chinese attire. Also in the koryo dyn-asty, a rod-like hairpin (BIN-YEU) and DANG-GI employing EON-JIN MEURI was used. The SOO-BAL based on the Confucianism had lots of regulations which limited to use ornaments with classes of society in the CHOSUN dynasty. Until YOUNG CHO and CHUNG CHO period. EONJIN MEURI be decorated GACHAE was announced by dynasty as ind-ulging in luxury. Women of yangban used a rod-like hairpin and a chignon accessory made by jewerly. And 1-owly women weared a rod-like hairpin made of born and wood to perfom EONJIN MEURI with PUNCHAE. Most unmarried women decorated with DDA-AH-NEULIN MEURI, GUI-MIT MEURI, specially in palace with SAE-ANG MEURI. At palace, one put on a full dress with KEUN MEURI, and a simple dress with ER-YEO MEURI be decorated DDERL-JAM The CHOP-JI MEURI manifested social rank, class. Kids at CHO-SUN age had BA-DUK-PANMEURI and JONG-JONG MEURI. The ornament things are GACHE, DDERL JAM with EON-JIN M-EURI, and all kinds of rod-like hairpin and chignon accessory used in JJOK MEURI. IN DANGGE, JE-BI-BURI DANGGI used by ummarried women. DO-TOO-RAK DANGGI and AP DANGGI on a dress suit, and BE-SSI DANGGI used by 3∼4 years ungrown kids etc. were used. And at palace, kinds of CHUPJI used with JJOK MEURI showed social rank. In CHOSUN age, women want to keep shiny hair washed at TA-NO festival day, a treatment of bald hair used a forked remedy. In CHOSUN age, woman Soo-Bal hair style has DAE-SOO·DDEU-KOO-JI MEURI·CHO-P-GI MEURI·EON-JIN MEURI·SAE-ANG MEURI· and so on. We could find out Soo-Bal was developed very well by these variety hair styles. I attatched all of the hair style pictures step by step, and also explained detail my research foll owing these pictures.

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조선 초기 보천가(步天歌)와 천문류초(天文類抄)의 성립에 대한 연구 (A Study on the Establishment of Pochonka and Chonmun yucho in the Early Choson Dynasty)

  • 안상현
    • Journal of Astronomy and Space Sciences
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    • 제26권4호
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    • pp.621-634
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    • 2009
  • 조선 초기의 보천가(步天歌)와 천문류초(天文類抄)에 대해 연구하였다. 이 연구에서는, 다음과 같은 근거로부터 이 보천가(步天歌)의 가결(歌訣)이 A.D. 1161년에 중국에서 출간된 통지(通志)에 실려 있는 보천가(步天歌)에 큰 영향을 받았음을 알았다. 두 보천가(步天歌)의 별자리들은 서술 순서가 같고, 태미원(太微垣)의 가결(歌訣)의 첫 구철이 일곱 글자가 아니라 다섯 글자로 되어 있으며, 특히 별자리들에 대한 은하수의 위치를 기술한 천하기몰(天河起沒)은 통지(通志)의 저자인 정초(鄭樵)가 특별히 작성하여 보충한 것인데 그것이 조선 보천가(步天歌)에 들어 있다는 점이 그 근거들이다. 통지(通志)는 A.D. 1364년에 고려에 들어왔으므로, 조선 초기의 보천가(步天歌)는 그 후에야 성립 될 수 있다. 조선 초기의 보천가(步天歌)는, 중국의 보천가(步天歌)들과 비교할 때, 그 가결(歌訣)에 별자리들의 색깔이 유난히 강조되어 있다. 이것은 석신(石申), 감덕(甘德), 무함(巫咸)으로부터 기원한 별자리를 색깔로 구분하려는 의도이다. 조선 초기에 출간된 보천가(步天歌)와 천상열차분야지도(天象列次分野之圖)의 성도(星圖)들은 별자리들의 이름, 별개수, 모양 등이 일치한다. 이 사설은 조선 보천가(步天歌)의 성도(星圖)가 천상열차분야지도(天象列次分野之圖)의 모본(母本)이나 천상열차분야지도(天象列次分野之圖) 자체에서 기원했음을 뜻한다. 천상열차분야지도(天象列次分野之圖)의 모본(母本)은 A.D. 1392년에 발견되어 A.D. 1396년에 비석에 새겨졌기 때문에, 보천가(步天歌)의 성립시기의 상한은 1392년이 된다. 천문류초(天文類抄)는 보천가(步天歌)에 중국의 점성술 문헌의 내용을 덧붙인 책이다. 이 책의 성립 시기는 그 저자인 이순지(李純之)의 생애 등을 근거로 A.D. 1440-1450년으로 추론되었다. 더군다나, 보천가(步天歌)는 A.D. 1430년에 관상감의 천문학자를 뽑는 취재(取才) 시험의 과목으로 선정되었다. 이러한 사설들로부터, 이 연구에서는 조선의 보천가(步天歌)가, 송(宋)의 선진 체제를 받아들임으로써 조선 왕조의 문화적 정치적 기초를 다지기 위해, A.D. 1392년에서 A.D. 1430 사이에 출간되었을 것으로 추론하였다.

탁족(濯足)의 배경과 그 문화현상에 담긴 조경적 의미 - 시문과 그림에 나타난 탁족지유(濯足之遊)를 중심으로 - (A Review on the Background of Takjok(濯足; Washing Feet) and the Landscape Architectual Meaning of Its Cultural Phenomenon - Focused on Takjokjiyu(濯足之遊) Shown on Poetry, Prose, and Painting -)

  • 노재현;서효석;최종희
    • 한국조경학회지
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    • 제41권6호
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    • pp.72-83
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    • 2013
  • 본 연구는 옛 문헌과 그림에 담긴 탁족(濯足)의 문화현상과 그 기저에 담긴 배경 및 의미를 고찰함으로써 탁족 문화를 계승하기 위한 조경적 대안을 제안해 보고자 한 것으로 주요 결과는 다음과 같다. 자연 질서에 순응하고 세속으로 부터 초연(超然)한 삶을 비유한 '탁영탁족(濯纓濯足)'의 고사는 '은일(隱逸)'을 통해 유유자적하는 탁족지유(濯足之遊)로 승화되었다. 선비가 유연(柔軟)한 계류에 발을 담그는 것은 자연과 물아일체(物我一體) 함으로써 도(道)와 상합(相合)되고자 하는 것으로 이러한 모습은 자유로운 정신세계인 '유(遊)'의 경지이자 본질과 상통한다. 탁족의 문화현상은 고려 말 이후 조선시대 전래경관에서도 잘 드러나는데 팔경시(八景詩)에 나타난 탁족은 고답적(高踏的)인 것이라기보다는 일상에 깃든 생활경이기도 하였다. 탁족도에 묘사된 맑은 물이 흐르는 계류[淸溪]와 바위, 그리고 소나무 등 교목이 우점(優占)하는 산수는 뜻 높은 선비의 은일공간으로 기호화되고, 그 정신세계는 더욱 부상되었다. 중국의 탁족도에서는 '청계(淸溪)'와 '창랑(滄浪)'을 강조함으로써 더러움에 대비되는 청류(淸流)의 이미지와 상고성(尙古性)이 강하게 부각되고 있는 반면, 조선시대 그것은 상대적으로 은일과 탁족지유라는 내면적 즐거움이 더욱 부각되고 있다. 탁족도에 나타난 자연관은 자연의 섭리를 그림 속에 그려진 선비의 상황 및 태도로 비유하여, 산수에 대한 사랑과 그 속에서 여유를 즐기는 가운데 무위자연(無爲自然)의 도를 깨닫게 하는 도가적(道家的) 관점의 표현이 잘 드러난 것으로 이는 중국은 물론 조선의 시대정신과 미의식의 한 단초를 보여준다. 요컨대 양국의 '탁족지유'는 인격수양이나 처신, 또는 은둔과 고답(高踏)의 상징으로 해석되면서 한편으로는 현실세계에서 납량의 수단으로 수용되어 왔다. 탁족 행위에는 선비들의 이상과 상고주의(尙古主義) 정신이 깃들어 있을 뿐 아니라, 일반 서민의 더위를 이기는 지혜가 담겨 있음은 깊이 되새겨 봐야 한다. 이러한 관점에서 환경적 지원성에 입각한 수공간과 탁족바위 그리고 물의 활용은 휴양 레크레이션 공간에서 새롭게 조명되어야 할 대상이며, 탁족 행위에 깃든 정신이야말로 고전적 치유(治癒)의 정신문화였음을 일깨워 준다.

화순 운주사 석조불감의 재질특성과 풍화훼손도 평가 (Material Characteristics and Deterioration Assessment of the Stone Buddhas and Shrine in Unjusa Temple, Hwasun, Korea)

  • 박성미;이명성;최석원;이찬희
    • 보존과학회지
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    • 제24권
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    • pp.23-36
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    • 2008
  • 화순 운주사 석조불감(보물 제797호)은 고려시대 양식을 갖추고 있는 석조문화재로서 아주 독특한 형식적 특징을 보여준다. 남북의 감실 내부에는 각각의 불상이 등을 맞대고 있는 쌍배 좌상의 형태를 보이고 있어 역사적, 미술사적 및 학술적으로 높은 평가를 받고 있다. 그러나 이 석조불감은 특별한 보호시설 없이 옥외에 노출되어 장기간의 풍화작용으로 다양한 훼손양상이 복합적으로 나타나고 있다. 이 석조불감은 총 47매의 암석으로 구성되어 있으며, 총 하중은 약 56.6톤이다. 구성 재질은 주로 회백색의 유리질 조직을 갖는 화산력 응회암류로 암편질 응회암과 유문암질 각력응회암이다. 또한 이들의 보수과정에서 부분적으로 흑운모 화강암을 사용하였다. 이들 응회암질암의 화학적 풍화지수는 52.1~59.4이나, 대체적인 화강암은 보다 신선한 50.0~51.0을 보인다. 이 연구에서는 석조불감에 나타나는 손상유형을 크게 물리적, 화학적 및 생물학적 풍화로 구분하여 훼손양상에 따라 종합훼손지도를 작성하였고, 표면적 대비 점유율을 산출하였다. 이 결과, 물리적 풍화양상 중 박리박락이 모든 방위에서 가장 높은 점유율을 보였으며, 방위로는 석감의 남측 면이 39.1%로 가장 높은 풍화도를 보였다. 화학적 풍화는 흑색 변색, 황갈색 변색, 백화현상 순으로 나타났으며 석감의 서측 면에서 61.2%의 높은 점유율을 보인다. 육안으로 볼 때, 가장 심각한 훼손을 보이는 생물학적 풍화는 회색지의류가 압도적으로 높으며, 석조불감 북측 면이 38.3%로 가장 높게 나타났다. 따라서 균열과 박리박락이 심한 부재의 접합 및 보강이 선행되어야 하며, 이차적 오염물질과 생물들은 정기적인 세정을 통해 제거하는 등 각각의 손상도에 적합한 보존방안의 수립과 임상실험을 통한 과학적 처리가 필요하다.

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우리나라 과실류(果實類)의 역사적(歷史的) 고찰(考察) (A Historical Study on Fruits in Korea)

  • 강춘기
    • 한국식생활문화학회지
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    • 제5권3호
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    • pp.301-311
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    • 1990
  • 한국(韓國)에서 농경(農耕)의 시작은 신석기시대(新石器時代) 말기(末期)에서 부분적으로 시작되어 보편화된 것은 B.C 4000년경으로 보고 있다. $B.C\;8000{\sim}B.C\;6000$년 전쯤의 어느 신석기(新石器) 유적(遺蹟) 중에서 농경(農耕)에 쓰였던 석기(石器)들과 함께 도토리가 발견된 것으로 보아 유사이전(有史以前)의 한국인(韓國人)들의 조상(祖上)들은 도토리와 개암 아가위 등 야생식물(野生植物)의 열매를 따서 이용했을 것이다. 부족국가시대(部族國家時代)의 마한(馬韓)에서는 밤을 재배하였다. 삼국사기(三國史記)에는 복숭아, 오얏, 배, 매화(梅花)를 재배하였음을 알 수 있다. 중국(中國)의 기록(記錄)을 보면 신라(新羅)에서는 잣, 호도, 석류, 백제(百濟)에서는 밤이 유명하다. 발해왕조(渤海王朝)에서도 오얏과 배, 잣이 유명하였다. 고려시대(高麗時代)에 복숭아, 오얏, 매화, 앵두, 잣, 살구, 포도, 대추, 배, 귤, 유자, 은행 등을 재배 이용하였다. 조선초기(朝鮮初期)의 지리서(地理書)인 $\ulcorner$세종실록지리지(世宗實錄地理志)$\Ircorner$(1454)와 $\ulcorner$新增東國與地勝覽$\Ircorner$(1492)에는 개암, 아가위, 복분자(覆盆子), 비자, 잣, 은행, 대추, 밤, 감, 석류, 살구, 복숭아, 호도, 모과, 귤, 유자, 앵두, 포도, 능금 등 우리가 현재 재배하고 있는 과실나무가 거의 재배되고 있다. 조선시대(朝鮮時代)에 들어온 과실(果實)로써 위의 지리서(地理書)에 없는 과실(果實)로는 비파(枇杷)와 무화과(無花果)이다. 비파는 조선초기에 들어온 듯하여 무화과(無花果)는 16세기 전후에 들어온듯 한데 이들 두 종류의 과실나무들은 내한성(耐寒性)이 약한 종류(種類)이기 때문에 지금도 제주(濟州)와 전남(全南), 경북(慶北) 등지에만 재배되고 있다. 조선시대(朝鮮時代)에 들어 와서는 많은 농서(農書)들이 출간(出刊)되었는데 거기에는 과수재배법(果樹栽培法)과 이용법(利用法)도 다양하게 기록되어 있다. 그리고 1900년 전후해서 西洋에서 피칸 양앵두 뿐만 아니라 최근 키위 등이 수입되어 상당히 이용되고 있다. 또 이외에도 과실(果實)의 약리적(藥理的)인 면을 이용하여 모든 과실을 한약(漢藥)으로써 의료면(醫療面)에도 널리 이용(利用)되었다. 과실(果實)은 우리들의 식생활(食生活)을 풍성하게 하기 때문에 과실의 소비량은 생활수준(生活水準)의 척도(尺度)가 된다. 이렇게 오랜 역사를 통하여 과수(果樹)들을 개량(改良)하고 도입(導入)하면서 재배(栽培) 이용(利用)하여 온 과실류(果實類)의 지위는 우리의 食生活史에 확고하게 유지(維持)되어질 것이다.

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재미 한국 유배우 부인의 재생산주기 (초경-재경)에 관한 연구

  • 박선화;김응익;최명희;서경만
    • 한국인구학
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    • 제14권1호
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    • pp.55-69
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    • 1991
  • The objective of the study is to figure out the status of reproductive health and general characteristics related to maternal health for Korean-Americans living in Los Angeles. We collected data from the married women who wanted no more additional child birth and were attending the Family Planning Clinic of Koryo Health Foundation in Los Angeles during 1988. There were 494 women met the eligibility requirement for this study. The results are summarized below. 1. In the age distribution of the women who desired no more additional child birth, women 30-34 age group constituted the largest proportion at 36.6 percent ; the mean age of women was 35.1915.55. The mean number of child birth was 1.77, and the proportion of the women by number of child birth were 35.2 percent for one children, 50.1 percent for two children 10.5 percent for three children, and 2.6 percent for four children. All of the women experienced pregnancy at least once, and mean number of pregnancy was 3.42. The mean number of total experience of induced abortion was 1.56. and 76.7 percent of these women had experience with induced abortions. To prevent further pregnancies, 90.1 percent of the women were utilizing the contraceptive methods, and the highest proportion by the contraceptive methods was condoms(53.7%), 9.3 percent in spermicides, 8.7 percent in IUDs, 8.7 percent in rhythm method, and 6.9 percent in oral pills. 2. The mean age of women at each stage of reproductive life cycle were 14.74 years at time of menarche, 24.55 years at time of marriage, 26.60 years at time of the first child birth, and 28.75 years at time of the last child birth. In age distribution of the women by birth cohort (Group I : birth cohort 1940-1954, Group H : birth cohort 1955-1970), the mean menar-cheal age of the women was 14.96 years in group I , and 14.53 years in group H . Mean age at time of marriage was 25.01 years in group I and 24.08 years in group H . Mean child birth age of the women by birth cohort was 27.19 years In group I and 26.01 years in Group II for the first child birth and 30.07 years in group I and 27.45 years in group II for the last child birth. The total length of reproductive life cycle from menarche to menopause (presumed to be at 49 of age years) was 34.26 years. The len-gth of phase I (from menarche to marriage) was 9.81 years, while phase H (marriage to first birth) was 2.05 years, and phase Ill (first birth to last birth) was 2. 15 years, and the last phase of reproductive life cycle, phase IV (last birth to menopause) was 20.25 years. The proportion of each phase 10 total length of reproductive life cycle was 28.6 percent, 6.0 percent 6.3 percent, and 59.t percent respectively. In the tendency of each phase in reproductive life cycle by birth cohort (group I , U ), the length of phase I, II , III of birth cohort group II was diminished in comparison with those of birth cohort group I , but the length of phase IV was extended by 2.38 years. 3. Among the women, the mean number of total pregnancy by birth cohort group was 2.01 in group I and 1.10 in Group II, and mean number of child birth was 1.97 in group I and 1.58 in group II. In terms of pregnancy was-tage rate by birth cohort group, among the total pregnancy of birth cohort group I , 51.8 percent of the cases resulted in induced abortions or spontaneous abortions whils 48.2 percent resulted in live births, and 42.2 percent or total pregnancy in group II resulted in pregnancy wastage and 57.8 percent of the cases resulted in live births.

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버섯과학과 버섯산업의 동향 (Trends of mushroom science and mushroom industry)

  • 유영복;공원식;오세종;정종천;장갑열;전창성
    • 한국버섯학회지
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    • 제3권1호
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    • pp.1-23
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    • 2005
  • 세계의 버섯 생산량은 매년 10-20% 증가해 왔으며 다품목화 되어가고 있다. 최근에는 큰느타리, 백령느타리 등이 새로운 품목으로 재배 면적이 증가하고 있다. 우리나라에서는 고려시대 저술한 김부식의 삼국사기(1145년)에 처음으로 금지(영지)와 서지가 기록되었고, 조선시대에는 16종류 이상의 농서 또는 의학서에서 버섯의 이용이 기록되었다. 상업적으로 이용되는 버섯으로는 지금까지 25종의 160품종이 보급되었다. 하지만 품종보호등록은 8품종만이 이루어져 아주 적은 편이다. 버섯산업이 1960년대 수출산업으로 육성되면서 자실체 생산량은 계속 증가해왔다. 2003년에는 181,828톤으로 생산가액 약 8,000억원을 능가할 것으로 추정된다. 버섯의 유효성분이 많이 알려지고 있는데 항균, 항염증, 항종양, 항바이러스, 항세균과 항기생물, 혈압조절, 심장혈관 장애 방지, 콜레스테롤 과소혈증과 지방과다 혈증 방지, 항당뇨, 면역조절, 강신장, 간장 독성 보호, 신경섬유 활성화, 생식력 증진의 효과가 있다. 따라서 버섯 의약품, 건강음료, 가공식품, Biotransformation에 의한 신기능성 제품 개발 등이 이루어지고 있다. 또한 버섯은 환경정화 기능이 뛰어나 환경오염 물질의 정화가 가능하며, 버섯재배후 배지를 이용하여 퇴비생산, 가축사료 생산에 이용된다. 한국의 버섯산업은 이미 가장 빨리 성장하는 농업 투자분야로 되었다. 그러나 버섯산업의 국제 경쟁력 강화를 위하여 국내고유의 품종개발에 의한 품종보호등록이 시급하다. 또한 저렴한 생산기술 개발과 유통구조 개선에 의한 생산량 조절이 이루어져야 버섯산업이 더욱 발전할 수 있을 것이다.

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