• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.4
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• pp.47-67
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• 1983

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.56 no.4
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• pp.79-101
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• 2004

This paper examines the characteristics and determinants of welfare attitudes in Korea. Based on Survey data, this study focuses mainly on how social-economic position variables, welfare status and welfare compliances influence attitudes towards welfare. Welfare attitudes can be classified by five areas as follows: legitimacy of welfare functions, affordability of welfare costs, need-based welfare principles, responsibility of welfare provision and adequacy of welfare spending. There are the major findings. First, attitudes towards welfare is identified state-friendly or pro-welfare attitudes. Second, among the social-economic position variables, welfare status and welfare norms variables, welfare compliance has statistically the most significant effects on welfare attitudes. Third, the level of pro-welfare attitudes is largely determined by welfare norms and images espoused by individuals. These findings suggest that we can not apply cleavages thesis which are developed by studies on the support for welfare state.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.35
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• pp.453-474
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• 1998

This paper attempts to analyse the patriarchal characteristics of welfare states. Increasingly, debates on welfare states are explicitly focusing on the relationships between state, market and family. How these relationships are structured forms the core parts of the particular welfare states, that is they give shape to different welfare state regimes. Although welfare states have developed incresingly, there are some problems that sustain these states asymmetrical, unequal, even sexist. In this paper, I want to make these problems visible by the terms of gender division of labour, the model of male work and the changing characteristics of patriarchy. Firstly, from the feminist perspective, we can point the fact that the welfare states are structured by gender. Welfare states take it for granted that our socities are based on the assumption of gender division of labour, what is called male breadwinner/ female dependent. And the state takes this gendered family as the stereotype in our societies. Secondly, it is not sufficient condition for men and women to perform satisfactory life of work and family that welfare states provide childcare center on an extensive scale. This is because that our societies are runned by "the model of male work". Thirdly, we can find that the characteristics of patriarchy of welfare state are changing. These changes can be explained from the 'private patriarchy' to the 'public patriarchy', in other words, from the women's dependence to individual man to the dependence to the state/ public sectors. And also under these changes, we can find the potent possibilities for women to take economic activities and independent self-supports.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.2
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• pp.143-166
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• 2006

The purpose of this study was to empirically test whether occupational welfare in Korea would have grown since the mid 1990s. The result of this study showed that after the IMF fiscal crisis, the policies of labor flexibility in labor market initiated flexible forms of employer-provided benefits, including cafeteria plan or profit-based funds, which finally led to a decline of occupational welfare rather than a growth. Existing studies haven't agreed on trade-off of statutory and voluntary social provisions since the crisis of welfare state. However, based on the case of Korea, this study suggested archetypal development of welfare system experiencing a decline of occupational welfare paralleled with a growth of state welfare provision.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.51
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• pp.229-256
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• 2002

This study is about the relationship between traditional familism and welfare consciousness in Korea. Traditional familism is known as the value that most Koreans share with, and the impeding value for welfare program development. Strong family solidarity and family-centered perception among Koreans influences other social values and ideology. Especially, care of the family members is understood as a family duty and responsibility. And this inhibits Koreans to develop welfare consciousness and further to develop welfare programs at the governmental level. Thus, this study purposes to explore the relationship between the two. The sample of 1,131 men and women was selected in Seoul area. As a result, traditional familism is found to be quite influential to welfare consciousness among Koreans. First, perception of welfare institution is strongly related with welfare consciousness. The respondents in high familism group showed low welfare consciousness. Second, state-friendly welfare responsibility was shown low in the group of high familism for the aged and youth. In the same context, for the disabled and the unemployed, state-friendly welfare responsibility was shown high in the group of low familism. Lastly, the relationship between familism and the welfare need was not apparent. Such results make possible to conclude that traditional familism among Korean is still influential to welfare consciousness and welfare ideology. However, although this conclusion should not be used for an excuse to avoid state responsibility but used as a tool to develop a welfare model to strengthen family function as one solid family.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.67 no.2
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• pp.259-284
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• 2015

This case study is to identify the role and strategies of think tanks in Britain which have shown institutional initiative in global welfare paradigm such as the establishment of welfare state, Thatcherism, and the Third Way. Fabian Society, Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), Institute for Public Policy Research (IPPR), and Policy Exchange (PX) were selected for the research, and seven staff members from these think tanks were interviewed while their relevant publications were gathered and analyzed. As a result, the role of each think tank in welfare paradigm change were presented as well as strategic similarities were found: distinguished idea on the relationship between economy and welfare, adherence to independence based on their values, and strategic communication with diverse routs. However, there was also strategic difference between the first round and the second in the history. In the first round between Fabian Society and IEA, building a space for discussion based on new paradigm was the key, while in the second round between IPPR and PX, producing a set of alternative policies was the main task for them. This British example may provide useful implication to Korea, in which political debate on social welfare still just focus on individual pledges competition and the role of think tank is highly limited.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.46
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• pp.145-177
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• 2001

This paper seeks to analyze how the welfare state has developed both in the Kim Young Sam government and in the Kim Dae Jung government. Among other things, the two governments share some similarities: compared to the previous authoritarian governments, both of them enjoyed a high level of democratic legitimacy; the two were under pressure to win the elections to acquire and remain in power; and finally, the two tried to strengthen welfare system. But there exist more critical differences. The Kim Dae Jung government was a minority government, while the Kim Young Sam government was a majority one. Compared to the latter one, the former came to power in an extremely bad economic condition. Fortunately, however, the Kim Dae Jung government was able to enjoy a relatively high level of state autonomy resulting from an exceptional situation of foreign currency crisis. In addition, it was more reformist in policy orientation and had a more open cooperative network with civil society. All these differences added up to produce remarkable differences with regard to the improvement in welfare development. Especially, it is noted that the Kim Dae Jung government was very successful in several respects: provision of national minimum, integration of national medical insurance, development of productive welfare system, and final1y increase in welfare spending. Recently, criticisms from the opposition party, the press, and middle and upper class people mount against the Kim Dae Jung government which has made significant mistakes in instituting the separation of medical and pharmaceutical businesses. However, the important improvements in welfare institutions and programs by the Kim Dae Jung government need to be maintained to deal with all the negative effects of a naked market economy. They must also be sustained to keep alive democracy that Korean people have fought for nearly half a century.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.69 no.3
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• pp.289-315
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• 2017

Debate on basic income expanded worldwide as well as in South Korea. However, the expansion of these discussion has led to vigorous arguments for and against the various claims of basic income. In order to introduce basic income in Korea, discussing on the picture of Korean welfare state which includes basic income is important. In this study, 'Ideal Model of Korean Basic Income (and Welfare State)'is discussed and theoretically constructed using fuzzy-set ideal type approach, and feasible paths in realizing Korean basic income are suggested. This study attempts to contribute to a practical discussion on taking feasible and reasonable path to realize full basic income in Korean welfare state.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.32
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• pp.212-234
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• 1997

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.27
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• pp.91-114
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• 1995