• 제목/요약/키워드: Korean shamanism

검색결과 102건 처리시간 0.027초

사별에 대한 한국 문화적 접근

  • 임승희
    • 호스피스학술지
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    • 제5권1호
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    • pp.42-49
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    • 2005
  • To determine which are the culturally specific factors of Korean bereavement, this chapter focuses on the view of death and the traditional mourning process which reflect Korean values and norms. The formation of the Korean view and understanding of death has been strongly influenced by three of its major traditional religions: Shamanism, Buddhism, and Confucianism (Park:1994: Hao:1999) and Christianity more recently. Each religion has a different view of death and the appropriate expression of mourning. Korea accommodates funeral customs and rules strictly as a cultural system and has retained these traditions over a long period; hence, some of the traditional funeral rituals still remain in modern Korean life, although some of the rites have been simplified. We have looked at the various ways in which grief and mourning is displayed and shared in a collective manner over a long period of time. This fits in well within the other Eastern cultures that are collectively organized, and contrary to the Eurocentric models do not hastily seek to detach the living from the dead and recognize that grief is a long process, and different individuals may take different amounts of time to recover from the grief. The view of death and bereavement in Korea has sprung from the roots of three Korean religions, together with the recent addition of Christianity, although they mainly result from the three earlier religions. The beliefs of these religions are still closely linked together in the rituals of Korean bereavement on both conscious and unconscious levels. The influence of these religions is evident in practice through the bereaved family's mourning reactions, funeral rites and customs and its views about death. Korea used to have a period of mourning for three years, following traditional mourning rites; then the chief mourner and the bereaved families could return to their normal life. In spite of this long mourning process for the bereaved family, once the funeral ceremony is finished, people expect the bereaved family not to express their grief in public; even the bereaved family does not like to talk about death. The process for bereaved people is related to mourning processes in terms of detachment from the deceased in order to start a new life. Relatives and the community recommend the performance of the kut ceremony for relieving the grief of the bereaved. When one family member dies in an unlucky way, the bereaved family may have some fear or other psychological reactions of grief such as pain, depression, insomnia and nightmares, hallucinations or other physical reactions. Unlucky deaths give the bereaved a very painful time and these types of reactions are often more serious than reactions to natural death. But through the kut ceremony, the bereaved family can start to make a new relationship with the deceased. The taboo of this type of death and death generally remains a crucial aspect of the isolation that bereaved people might face and the collective nature of mourning(even where it is still present) is unable to address this aspect of the privatization of grief.

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한국(韓國) 개창(開創) 신흥종교(新興宗敎) 의예복식(儀禮服飾)의 구조적(構造的)인 특징(特徵)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究) (A Study on the Structural Characteristics of Ceremonial Costumes in New Aboriginal Religious Groups in Korea)

  • 김현경;임상임
    • 한국생활과학회지
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    • 제13권1호
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    • pp.185-194
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    • 2004
  • This study examined the characteristics of 45 sects of seven new aboriginal religious groups in Korea including Jeungsan sect, Tangun sect, Soowoon sect, Won Buddhism, Bongnam sect, Gahksedo sect, Shamanism sect that had given a considerable influence on the modem Korean society since the end of 19th century through the field study and the review of documents. The purpose of the study was to elucidate how their religious ideas were reflected in their ceremonial costumes and what characteristics these costumes had. The results were as follows: 1. The new religious groups in Korea modified or mixed the designs or the names of existing outfits to convey their ideas or beliefs through their costumes. 2. The costumes of new religious groups had common characteristics of the times, Korean tradition and ancestor worship. 3. All the ceremonial costumes symbolized the creeds and ideas of each religion in their names, designs, and colors. The names of the costumes such as Way-Robe, Law-Robe, and Ceremony-Robe, and of the headpieces such as Sky-Crown, Lotus-Crown, Ceremony-Crown, and Sevenfold-Crown, for instance, were related with Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism. The most common design of costume was consisted of traditional hanbok and some type of headpiece and robe for men, and hanbok modified to Western-style for women. Most sects adopted hanbok as their ceremonial costume, but they tend to simplify its design. The color scheme of the costumes reflected the influence of the Yul-Yang and Five Elements idea but the colors varied depending on seasons and occasions to suit their creeds and philosophy. 4. These religious costumes were worn at various ceremonies, ritual, and various anniversary services for the master and other dignitaries of the sect to render greater piety to those gatherings, to distinguish the sect from other religious groups, to clarify the meaning of the ceremony, and to heighten the devout feelings of the participants. Thus, the structure (the symbol, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme) and religious background of the costumes of the new aboriginal religious groups in Korea turned out to have inherited and mixed various elements of traditional Korean outfits and those of existing religions to symbolize their religious ideas.

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한국 개창 신흥종교 의례복식에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Ceremonial Costumes in New Aboriginal Religious Groups in Korea)

  • 김현경;임상임
    • 대한가정학회지
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    • 제41권2호
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    • pp.123-139
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    • 2003
  • This study examines the characteristics of 45 sects of seven new aboriginal religious groups in Korea including Jeungsan sect, Tangun sect, Soowoon sect, Won Buddhism, Bongnam sect, Gahksedo sect, Shamanism sect through field study and various documents. The purpose of the study is to elucidate how their religious ideas are reflected in their ceremonial costumes and what characteritics and underlying meanings these costumes have, and I reached the following conclusions 1. The new religious groups in Korea modified or mixed the designs or names of existing outfits to convey their ideas or beliefs in their costumes. 2. The costumes of new religious groups turned out to have certain characteristics in common: they all reflected the times, Korean tradition, ancestor worship. 3. I looked at the symbolicity, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme to establish their structural characteristics, and it turned out that they an symbolized the creeds and ideas of each religion. The names of the costumes such as Way-Robe, Law-Robe, and Ceremony-Robe, for instance, had to do with Buddhism Taoism, and Confucianism. The most common type of costume consisted of traditional hanbok top, pant, robe, and some type of headpiece for men, and hanbok top and, skirt for women, and if women were to wear a robe, it usually meant the sect believed in sexual equality. There was also a tendency to simplify or minimize the dress code, which seems to indicate that the sect was trying to adapt itself to, the times. The most common type of the outer garment for men was a robe with narrow sleeves, straight lapel, and no slits, and a robe with wide sleeves, straight lapel, and slits for women. The color scheme of the costumes included blue, white, yellow, red, and black, reflecting the influence of the Yin-Yang and Five Elements idea and traditional preference for white of Koreans. 4. These religious costumes were worn at various ceremonies, ritual, and various anniversary services for the master and other dignitaries of the sect to render greater piety to those gatherings, to distinguish the sect from other religious groups, to clarify the meaning of the ceremony, and to heighten the devout feelings of the participants. Thus, the structure (the symbolicity, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme) and religious background of the costumes of the new aboriginal religious groups in Korea turned out to have inherited and mixed various element of traditional Korean outfit and those of existing religions to symbolize their religious ideas. Many religions in and fall, and each has its own dress codes, and I hope this study provides a framework and data for other researchers and leaders of new religious groups that will emerge in the future.

사찰음식에 대한 수요영향요인 분석 - 템플스테이 참가자를 대상으로 - (An Analysis of Factors Influencing on Temple Foods)

  • 김용문;박기오
    • 한국조리학회지
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    • 제22권3호
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    • pp.240-253
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    • 2016
  • 본 연구는 사찰음식의 수요영향요인을 추정하고, 외식시장에서 세분화 마케팅 전략수립 위한 대안 마련을 목적으로 수행되었다. 본 연구의 대상은 템플스테이 참가한 대상으로 사찰음식에 대한 선택 투입된 독립변수들이 구매횟수 빈도에 미치는 영향력의 차이를 파악하였다. 본 연구의 목적을 도모하기 위하여 편의표본추출법으로 서울소재 템플스테이 4곳에 참가자 대상으로 2015년 8월 6일~20일까지 15일간 진행되었으며, 설문지는 자기기입식방법으로 총 300부의 설문지를 배포하여 이중 278부를 회수하였으며, 최종 232부(83%)를 연구 자료로 사용하였다. 수집된 자료를 분석하기 위해 적절한 모형설정으로 절단된 음이항 포아송 모형을 설정하였다. 사찰음식의 활성화와 저변확대를 위한 세분화 마케팅자료로 사찰음식에 대한 수요영향분석을 통하여 사찰음식에 대하여 인지하고 있다는 점, 그리고 40대이상의 연령층과 4천만 원 이상의 소득분포에서 수요영향이 높았고, 미혼 및 남성층이 높았으며, 종교에 따라 불교층에서 높았고, 크리스찬 집단이 무교집단보다 사찰음식 수요영향에서 높았다. 이에 맞는 다양한 인구통계특성에 따른 소비계층의 심층적인 세분화 마케팅의 홍보정책을 우선적으로 수립되어야 한다. 또한, 사찰음식이 건강음식이란 이미지를 살려, 향후 소비계층의 세분화로 마케팅에 적용하여 사찰음식의 저변확대에 적극적인 홍보와 활성화에 대한 노력이 요구된다.

무언극 <빈손>을 통해 본 진도씻김굿의 연극화 가능성 (The Possibility of Making a Play out of Jindo Ssitgimgut through the Pantomime Empty Hands)

  • 김미경
    • 공연문화연구
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    • 제18호
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    • pp.171-199
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    • 2009
  • 본 논문은 강원도 춘천에 있는 마임하우스에서 펼쳐진 무언극 <빈손>을 보고 진도씻김굿과의 연관성을 찾아내려는 노력의 일환으로 시작되었다. 무언극 <빈손>은 마치 진도씻김굿을 무언극의 형태로 보고 있다는 착각을 불러일으킬 정도로 마임이스트 유진규(柳鎭奎 58)가 펼치는 연기적인 요소들은 진도씻김굿이 가지고 있는 요소들을 많이 사용하고 있었다. 물론 극의 내용 면에서도 무속을 기반으로 하는 굿의 형태를 띠고 있었다. 필자는 이런 무언극 <빈손>을 보면서 우리 민족의 문화원형이 가지고 있는 문화콘텐츠 개발의 가능성을 다시금 확인하는 계기가 되었다. 2005년 런던마임축제의 예술감독 Helen Lannaghan은 춘천마임축제 컨퍼런스에 참가하여 공연을 보고 한국적 색채가 강하면서도 미니멀하고 모던한 무언극 <빈손>을 런던마임축제에 초청하였다. 한국적 오브제, 동양 사상과 사물놀이, 서양의 현대마임이 어우러진 작품으로 2000년 프랑스 미모스 마임축제, 2001년 폴란드 마임축제, 2002년 몽골 마임축제, 2003년 벨기에 국제 마임축제 등 해외 축제 초청 공연을 통해 작품성을 인정받은 무언극 <빈손>은 세계적으로 그 권위를 인정받고 있는 런던마임축제 공연을 통해 다시 한번 세계로 발돋움 하는 기회를 마련하였다. 이는 한국을 상징하는 우리의 몸짓을 유감없이 발휘한 마임이스트 유진규의 끊임없는 노력의 산물이다. 필자는 이런 무언극 <빈손>을 통해 앞으로 진도씻김굿 같은 대한민국의 문화원형을 활용한 연극 공연이 세계적인 공연문화 콘텐츠로써 중요한 역할을 해낼 수 있다는 가능성을 발견했다. 그런 견지에서 무언극 <빈손>이 세계적으로 인정받게 될 수 있었던 요인을 분석하고 앞으로 진도씻김굿이 공연문화 콘텐츠로 어떤 치밀한 스토리텔링을 활용해야 세계적인 공연 무대에서 대대적인 성공을 거둘 것인지 그 방안을 모색해 보고자 하였다. 무언극 <빈손>은 다시 한번 세계적으로 발돋움 하는 기회를 마련하였다.

도교의학(道敎醫學)에 관한 연구(硏究) (한의학(韓醫學)과 연관(聯關)된 부분(部分)을 중심(中心)으로) (The study of the relation between the medicine of Taoism and oriental medicine)

  • 이병서;윤창열
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제6권
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    • pp.252-305
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    • 1993
  • I have studied the relation between a Taoist(道家) and the oriental medicine(韓醫學), it is summerized as following. 1. According to the relation between a Taoist(道家) and the oriental medicine, Lao-tzu(老子)' mathematical principle that had an influence on Three yin-three yang(三陰三陽) theory of the oriental medicine, idea of natural philosopy(自然無爲) and the freedom from avarace(無慾) on the oriental medicine. 2. Vital essence and energy theory(精氣設) in a Taoist not only can be seen in Lao-tzu' Do dug gyung(老子道德經), Maengza(孟子), Guanza(管子), but also its principle has something to do with Nei Ching's Vital essence and energy theory(精氣設). 3. Danjungpa(丹鼎派) can be divided into Naedansul(內丹術) which preserves through the breath and Oedansul(外丹術) which makes one a Taoist hermit. If he takes magic portions(金丹), they had a great effect on Yangsanghak(養生學) and was actually concerned with oriental doctors who was known to us. 4. If medicine of Taoism is classified, it can be divided into three categories. Boiled solution(渴液), Pharmacopea "Ben cao"(本草), Acupuncture & moxibustion(針灸), Magic portions(外丹) are used in the first category. Chinese setting-up and Therapeutic exercises(導引), Josik(調息), Naedan(內丹), Byugok(辟榖), Naeshi(內視), Banjung(房中) belong to second category. The religious contents such as Bu(符), Jeum(占), Cheum(籤), Ju(呪), Je(齊), Gido(祈禱), taboo are implied in third category. 5. In the history of the medicine of Taoism and oriental medicine, they are called animism, shamanism, Mu(巫) or Ye(毉), not separated at first period. In the end of junguk(戰國時代), Ye(醫) was clearly distinguished from Mu(巫) and then Mu(巫) was developed into medicine of Taoism and ye(毉) into the present form of oriental medicine. 6. The oriental medicine doctors that are concerned with Taoism are Bakgo(伯高), Geyugu(鬼臾區), Soyu(少兪), Noigong(雷公), Pyujak(篇鵲), Sunuyi(淳于意), Hwata(華陀), Hwangbomil(皇甫謐), Hangang(韓康), Dongbong(童奉), Heuson(許遜), Galhong(葛洪), Dohongyung(陶弘景), Damlan(曇鸞), uyjajang(葦慈藏), Sonsanak(孫思邈), Wanguing(王氷), Jegonghwalbul(濟公活佛), Yuwanso(劉完素), Judonge(朱丹溪), Leesijin(李時珍), Johakmin(趙學敏), Ougu1(吳杰) etc. 7. The view of a human body in the medicine of Taoism affected the oriental medicine on the ground that man was regarded as a microcosm(小宇宙), so he was compared to a nation or heaven and earth. 8. The anatomy of medicine of Taoism gave a detail description of five visceras and each organs, the heart, center of mental function, Mirie(尾閭) which has an relationship to the training of Naedan(內丹修練). In this resrect, as it is accord with the acupunture point of oriental medicine, therefore we can find that Taoism influenced oriental medicine, also explicit study was achieved. 9. Acient people believed that the goo in the human lxxIy, one of the characteristics of the medicine of Taoism cured the patients and then protected him from the disease. If a man was taken ill, they had him cured by making the god's name which corresponded to its disease, calling him communicating with him, and asking him to deprive him of illness. This treatment was used to live and be kept young eternally. In this respects, we can see that they emphasized on the attitude of Bulchiyibeung chimibeung(不治己病治末病) and psychological treatment. 10. Samsi thoery(三尸說) that one's fortune, disaster, health, and disease in the world are at the mercy of his good or bad conduct, is concerned with Taoism and treatment with the oriental medicine. 11. Guchung(九蟲) is more closly associated with the religious aspect rather than with the medical aspect. Because of the similarity of the mcdern parasitism, its study has an important meaning. 12. The respect for the human life is reflected in jeunsi(傳屍), with Samsi-guchung theory(三尸九蟲說), which is considered as mxIern tuberculosis.

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삼태극의 의미고찰 (Reconsideration of the Meaning of Sam-Tai-Ji)

  • 김명희
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제45권1호
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    • pp.4-15
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    • 2012
  • 서울 올림픽의 휘장을 비롯하여 우리나라를 대표하는 전통 문양 중의 하나로 삼태극이 사용되고 있다. 삼태극은 태극임에도 불구하고 정확한 철학적 규명없이 일부 종교단체나 지식인들에 의해 '천지인'이라는 삼재론으로 혹은 '천지인 조화사상'이라는 넓은 틀로 해석되고 있다. 이에 삼태극의 정확한 의미를 알아보고자 하는데 본 연구의 목적을 두었다. 조선은 건국과 더불어 유교를 통치이념으로 삼았으나, 이념의 테두리에서 비교적 자유로운 곳에서는 노장과 불교, 무속 등을 묵인하여왔다. 그리하여 태극 문양을 사용함에 있어서도 유교적 이념이 드러나야 하는 공식적인 곳에서는 이태극 문양을 사용하고, 왕릉과 같은 사적인 곳에서는 삼태극 문양을 새겨왔음을 밝혀 놓았다. 이와 같이 문양을 분리 사용한 이유를 규명해보기 위하여 태극의 변화 발전 과정을 고찰해 보았다. 동양(한 중 일)에서는 태극 문양을 우주와 관련지어 생각하는 경우가 많았다. 이 문양은 한당시대까지는 삼태극이 주로 사용되었으며, 그 의미도 "한서" "율력지" 속에서'음양덕(陰陽德)'으로 나타나 있다. 그러나 이후 중국사에서 등장한 "고태극도" 속에서는 이태극 속의 흰점으로 문양이 변화되어 나타나며, 그 의미도 '음양과 생기'로 표현된다. 그러다 유가 사상이 자리 잡은 송대 이후로는 '음양과 리'로 그 해석이 이루어지게 된다. 이 과정에서 리는 '생기'와 달리 비실체성을 나타내는 것이어서, '음양과 리'를 문양으로 표현할 때는 이태극으로 표현하게 되었음을 논해 놓았다. 결론적으로 삼태극은 '음양덕' 혹은 '음양생기', '음양무극' 등을 문양으로 나타낸 것이다. 이것은 영(靈)의 세계를 인정하는 도가와 불교의 사상 속에서 주로 발달하였으며 '기'를 본체로 하는 세계관이다.

장백산 신성한 활동의 시대별 변천에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Changes of the Sacred Activity of Changbai Mountain by Era)

  • 허종화;김석주;성종상
    • 한국조경학회지
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    • 제49권3호
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    • pp.40-52
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    • 2021
  • 장백산은 시대마다 다양한 민족이 생활하였고, 시대별 민족들은 자신들만의 신앙문화로 장백산을 신성시 하였다. 기존의 장백산 문화에 대한 연구들은 특정 시대 사건에 관한 연구만 이루어지고 있는데, 정작 장백산의 신성성이 시대별로 어떻게 변천하고, 시대별 민족들의 신앙문화와 어떠한 관계가 있고, 어떻게 변하였는지에 대한 연구는 없었다. 본 연구는 장백산 신성성을 역사적 사료에 입각하여 시대적으로 변천해 온 의미를 고찰하고 분석하는 것이다. 장백산 신성성의 변천을 통시적으로 고찰하기 위하여 시대별 민족들의 신앙문화와 장백산 공간의 관계에서 발생하는 성현을 중심으로 고찰하였다. 구체적으로, 성현으로 드러난 신성한 공간을 보호하기 위한 활동을 고찰하였고, 도출된 결과를 가지고 장백산 신성성의 변천을 해석하였다. 본 연구의 결과를 요약하면 다음과 같다. 장백산 신성한 활동은 시대별로 다음과 같이 변천하였다. 청나라 이전 시대 민간들은 생계와 생존을 위한 화신제사, 성신제사, 산신제사, 버드나무신제사를 하였고, 금나라 왕은 악진(嶽鎭)과 같은 제사의례로 장백산신에게 제사를 드렸다. 청나라 시대 황제는 망제전을 조성하고 직접가거나 관원을 파견하여 국가를 상징하는 최고의 제사의례로 장백산신에게 제사를 드렸다. 근대는 장백산 정상에 팔괘묘를 조성하고, 장백산신에게 제사를 드리거나 팔괘의 술수를 통하여 장백산 자연과 장백산에서 생활하는 인간들의 길흉을 판단하였다. 또한 이 시기 민간들은 생활과 생산을 위하여 인격화 된 신 산신노파두를 중심으로 제사활동을 하였다. 정리하면, 장백산의 신성한 활동은 청나라 이전 시기는 애니미즘의 사상을 기본으로 한 샤머니즘 제사활동, 청나라 시기는 황실의 성산으로서 신성성을 받들기 위한 최고의 황실 제사의례, 근대시기는 이주민들의 도교사상을 기본으로 한 제사활동으로 변천하였다. 그리고 신성한 활동으로 바라 본 장백산의 의미는 청나라 이전 시대 생계의 산에서 청나라 시대 국가의 산으로 위상이 승격하였다가 근대 생산의 산으로 변화하였다.

한·중·일 정월 세시의례의 종교적 성격과 구조 (Religious Characteristics and Structure of New Year's Rites During January in Korea, China, and Japan)

  • 김덕묵
    • 헤리티지:역사와 과학
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    • 제56권4호
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    • pp.110-130
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    • 2023
  • 정월 세시의례는 지난해를 보내고 새해를 맞이하여 그해의 안녕을 비는 종교적 기능을 수행한다. 일본에서는 12월 중순이 되면 도시가미를 맞이하기 위한 가도마츠(門松)와 시메나와가자리(しめなわ飾り), 정초에 먹을 오세치요리를 준비한다. 새해가 열리면 신사에 가서 하쓰모데(初詣)를 한다. 정월 보름에는 돈도야키를 하여 정월에 사용한 장식물과 지난해에 사용한 부적이나 액막이 물건을 전부 태워 보낸다. 한국에서도 설이 다가오면 차례준비를 하고 섣달그믐에는 집안을 깨끗이 하고 가까이 사는 어른들에게는 감사의 뜻으로 묵은세배를 드린다. 새해 첫날 차례를 지내며 정초에서 보름까지 지신밟기, 달집태우기 등 많은 세시의례가 있다. 중국에서는 제야에 온 가족이 둘러앉아서 먹는 단원반(團圓飯)이 중요하다. 환하게 불을 밝히며 밤을 새며(守歲), 문밖에서는 폭죽소리가 요란하다. 문에는 춘련을 붙이며 새해에는 번창하기를 기원한다. 중국에서는 정월 초하루에 폭죽을 터뜨리며 요란하게 보내지만 한국과 일본은 대보름에 달집태우기와 돈도야끼를 시끌벅적하게 한다. 사계절의 순환에 따른 생업과 제의력에 기초하여 매년 주기적으로 반복되는 세시의례에서 정월은 비중이 높다. 정월은 1년의 시작으로 그해의 안녕과 풍요를 염원하는 갖가지 의례가 행해진다. 또한 정월 세시의례에는 민간신앙적 세계관이 잘 내포되어 있어 한·중·일 세시의례에 내포된 종교적 성격과 구조를 이해하는 데 무리가 없다. 본 연구는 한·중·일 정월 세시의례의 현황과 정월 속에서도 어떤 변곡점에 맞물려 세시의례가 구조화되어 있는지 살펴보고 신, 예축과 풍요의 기원, 액막이와 축귀, 건강과 복 기원의 측면에서 종교적 성격을 검토하였다. 이를 통해 한·중·일 3국의 정월 세시의례에는 샤머니즘과 농경신앙, 조상숭배, 신도, 도교, 유교, 불교 등 다양한 종교적 배경이 보이며 유무(有無)나 정도는 국가에 따라 차이가 있음을 알 수 있었다.

조선시대(朝鮮時代) 전기(前期)의 의료제도(醫療制度)에 대한 연구(硏究) (A study of the Medical System in the Early Chosun-Dynasty)

  • 한대희;강효신
    • 대한한의학원전학회지
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    • 제9권
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    • pp.555-652
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    • 1996
  • Up to the present the scholastic achievements in the history of the medical system have been rather scare despite its importance in the Korean History. Hence, this dissertation attempts to examine the significance of the institute in the Korean History, covering the period from the ancient times through the early Chosun-Dynasty. In the ancient times, the medical practice relied primarily upon human instincts and experiences at the same time, shaman's incantations were widely believed to cure diseases, the workings of evil spirits supposedly. For the period from the Old Chosun through Samhan(巫堂), Chinese refugees brought a long medical knowledge and skills of the continent. New Chinese medicine, traditional practices and incantations were generally used at this time. Medicine and the medical system were arranged by the period of the Three Countries(三國時代). No definite record concerning Koguryo remains now. As for Paekje, however, history shows that they set up the system under the Chinese influence, assigning medical posts such as Euibaksa(medical doctor), Chaeyaksa(pharmacist), and Jukeumsa(medicine man) within Yakbu(department of medicine). Scientifically advanced, they sent experts to Japan, giving a tremendous influence on the development of the science on ancient Japan. After the unification of the three countries, Shilla had their own system after the model of Dang(唐). This system of the Unified Shilla was continued down to Koryo and became the backbone of the future ones. In the ancient time religion and medicine were closely related. The curative function of the shaman was absolute. Buddhism played a notable part in medical practice, too, producing numerous medical monks. The medical system of Koryo followed the model of Dang with some borrowings from Song(宋). Sangyakkuk(尙藥局) was to deal exclusively with the diseases of the monarch whereas Taeeuigam(太醫監) was the central office to handle the national medical administration and the qualification test and education for doctors. In addition, Dongsodaebiwon(東西大悲院), Jewibo(濟危寶), and Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were public hospitals for the people, and a few aristocrats practiced medicine privately. In 987, the 6th year of Songjong(成宗), local medical operations were installed for curing the sick and educating medical students. Later Hyonjong(顯宗), established Yakjom(clinics, 藥店) throughout the country and officials were sent there to see patients. Foreign experts, mainly from Song, were invited frequently to deliver their advanced technology, and contributed to the great progress of the science in Korea. Medical officials were equipped with better land and salary than others, enjoying appropriate social respect. Koryo exchanged doctors, medicine and books mainly with Song, but also had substantial interrelations with Yuan(元), Ming(明), Kitan(契丹), Yojin(女眞), and Japan. Among them, however, Song was most influential to the development of medicine in Koryo. During Koryo Dynasty Buddhism, the national religion at the time, exercised bigger effect on medicine than in any other period. By conducting national ceremonies and public rituals to cure diseases, Taoism also affected the way people regarded illness. Curative shamanism was still in practice as well. These religious practices, however, were now engaged only when medication was already in use or when medicine could not held not help any more. The advanced medical system of Koryo were handed down to Chosun and served the basis for further progress. Hence, then played well the role to connect the ancient medicine and the modern one. The early Chosun followed and systemized the scientific and technical achievement in medicine during the Koryo Dynasty, and furthermore, founded the basis of the future developments. Especially the 70 years approximately from the reign of Sejong(世宗) to that of Songjong(成宗) withnessed a termendous progress in the field with the reestablishment of the medical system. The functions of the three medical institute Naeeuiwon(內醫院), Joneuigam(典醫監), Hyeminkuk(惠民局) were expanded. The second, particualy, not only systemized all the medical practices of the whole nation, but also grew and distributed domestic medicaments which had been continually developed since the late Koryo period. In addition, Hyeminso(惠民局, Hwarinwon(活人院)) and Jesaenwon(濟生院)(later merged to the first) played certain parts in the curing illness. Despite the active medical education in the capital and the country, the results were not substantial, for the aristocracy avoided the profession due to the social prejudice against technicians including medical docotors. During the early Chosun-Dynasty, the science was divided into Chimgueui (acupuncturist), Naryogeui(specialist in scrofula) and Chijongeui (specialist in boil). For the textbooks, those for the qualification exam were used, including several written by the natives. With the introduction on Neoconfucianism(性理學) which reinforced sexual segregation, female doctors appeared for the female patients who refused to be seen by male doctors. This system first appeared in 1406, the sixth year of Taejong(太宗), but finally set up during the reign of Sejong. As slaves to the offices, the lowest class, female doctors drew no respect. However, this is still significant in the aspect of women's participation in society. They were precedents of midwives. Medical officials were selected through the civil exam and a special test. Those who passed exams were given temporary jobs and took permanent posts later. At that time the test score, the work experience and the performance record of the prospective doctor were all taken into consideration, for it was a specialized office. Most doctors were given posts that changed every six months, and therefore had fewer chances for a goverment office than the aristocracy. At the beginning the social status of those in medicine was not that low, but with the prejudice gradully rising among the aristocracy, it became generally agreed to belong to the upper-middle technician class. Dealing with life, however, they received social respect and courtesy from the public. Sometimes they collected wealth with their skills. They kept improving techniques and finally came to take an important share in modernization process during the late Chosun-Dynasty.

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