• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.441-483
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• 2021

The introduction of dongbal[bara] is in line with Buddhism which was transmitted from India through China. Therefore, this paper tracked down the records of dongbal in Indian and Chinese Buddhism, and especially in scriptures and in ritual texts of Korean Buddhism, and studied the functionality and the use of dongbal, and the attributes of Baramu. Among the scriptures that record dongbal, 『Myobeopyeon hwagyeong(妙法蓮華經)』(A.D.406) is the earliest to be translated. The records of bara in the scriptures were written as dongbal(銅鈸) mostly, and that it was used as ritual tool(法具), instrumental offering, and religious ornament(莊嚴物). The oldest record which can verify that dongbal was used in Korea is 『Seodaesajajaeryugijang(西大寺資財流記帳)』(A.D.780). The oldest cymbals-like relic remaining today, the reliquary from the temple Gameunsa built in A.D.628, dates back to the early period of Unified Silla. This indicates that dongbal has been used at Korean temples by the 7th century at least. The records of dongbal(銅鈸) written in cheong-gyu(淸規, buddhist monastic rules) and ritual texts are classified as myeongbal(鳴鈸) and dongbal(動鈸). The letter 'myeong(鳴)' of myeongbal means to make a sound, and thus myeongbal refers to clash and make the sound of the bara. It is verified that myeongbal had certain established rules and methods. It appears that dongbal(動鈸) refers to Baramu(the cymbals dance) since the letter 'dong(動)' means movement or to move. Hence, the concept of movement was added to the signification of myeongbal, and became dongbal(動鈸), and then developed into baramu being transmitted until today. There are 8 types of Baramu transmitted in Korean Buddhist rituals, and they could be classified into purifying ritual, inviting ritual, protecting ritual, offering ritual, bathing ritual, dressing ritual, saluting ritual, and praising ritual according to their attributes.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.14-27
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• 2002

The purpose of this study is to identify the ritual dress used by the 12 religious bodies of Dankun followers to help understand the teachings of these currently operating religious groups in Korea. The findings from the survey and related literatures are used to analyze the characteristics of these ritual dresses in terms of their items, construction, form, and color. The results of the study are as follows: first, most of the religious groups of Dankun followers have established the code for ritual dresses and they are named as 'chaebok'(제복, sacrificial robes), 'yebok'(예복, ceremonial dress), 'chungbok'(정복, formal attire), 'pubbok'(법복, Buddhist formal dress), or 'tobok'(도복, Taoist garments). The official headgear is usually named as 'chaemo'(제모), 'soogun'(수건), 'moja'(모자), or 'yoogun'(유건, 儒巾). Though, there are some groups which do not use any specific names for headgear. Second, the ritual dresses of most groups are composed of the 'hanbok'(한복,韓服) or usual Western-style dress, a traditional outer wear, 'po'(포,袍), and a headgear, as a basic attire. Third, the traditional 'hanbok' is worn as a base garment and an outer wear is worn above. The different types of outer wear are used: mostly 'chaksu jueui jikyoun po'(착수주의직령포, 窄袖周衣直領袍) for men and 'kwangsu jikyoung po'(광수직령포, 廣袖直領袍) and other various styles for women. The headgear from the ancient times are worn by both men and women. Fourth, the most frequently-used color for ritual dress is white for both men and women's dress. The colors from the Yin and Yang ideology are also used in the ritual dresses. Finally, the kinds of materials are not considered as an important element for the ritual dresses.

• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.155-173
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• 2013

Recently, social problem of teens becomes one of the important social issues. Adolescence is the intermediate stages of childhood and adulthood. Teens have not find their identity at this time. That reason is why teens and the old generation are disconnect. That arise from the development of industry and the nuclear family, entrance examination-oriented education system. So they are wandering in the popular culture and the cyber-space. Therefore, families, schools and state should have interesting and understanding for teens, and should strive that teens establish a self established identity. Specially, ethics education using traditional culture will help to establish their identity, and that provide self-esteem and pride about korean traditional culture. This is the reason why culture contents that is based on Korean traditional culture have to make for teens. The purpose of this study is to provide the basic data that will help in the development Korean traditional cultural contents for teens. In this study, this researchers will search the following matters; first, what is ritual for Coming-of-age, second, various forms of ritual for Coming-of-age and Korean modern ritual in order to grasp the meaning of the ritual for Coming-of-age, third, costume and meaning of costume which has in both Kwan-Ryea as Korean traditional ritual for Coming-of-age and Korean modern ritual. This study will compare Kwan-Ryea with traditional ritual of modern.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.32-49
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• 2008

The Torajan people who started to receive increased attention from the 1990 are one of the many ethnic groups of Indonesia. This paper intends to examine Torajan Ceremonies practied today in the modern world, driven by the Torajan people's age-old perspective of life and death (and the world after) that comes from their background on traditional lifestyle and (animated) folk religion/belief. It focuses on the ceremonial Dances, which is one of the most important element in Torajan Ceremonies, and gain deeper insight through its costumes and ornaments which traditionally revealed the social status of hosts and performers. In ceremony, the most important division is the classification of ritual into Aluk rampe matallo(life facing ritual ) and Aluk rampe matampu? death ritual). So Traditional Toraja dances may be classified into two genres: life related ritual dances and death ritual dances. Especially the funeral ceremonies in Toraja has been rather more famous on its spectacle aspect to outsiders however its relationships to the broader theme of Torajan Ceremonies and ceremonial dances are very less known and sources on this topic are also very scarce. Fortunately, I was able to witness one of such an ritual event. I did see one kind of the funeral rituals which is the most dramatic and symbolically rich performances in Toraja. Here, a brief account of its will highlight some dimension of ceremony, personfood, and potency in Torajan thought and action.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.142-150
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• 1997

Korean ritual dancing was doing in a royal court when an auspicious event happen in a country, a ritual ceremony was hold or reception for an envoy came from the other country was hold. There were 53 kinds of ritual dancing in Korea. Gumgee-Mu was the one among of them. Yea-Reung(woman ritual dancer) were dancing Gumgee-Mu with a sword. For Gumgee-Mu they wore a Kaeja(快子), Haebsuyoi(挾袖衣). Above it they took a Jeandae(戰帶), Jeanlib(戰笠). The dancing suit\`s color had a harmony with well mixed. Lunar-Solar-Five-Natural(陰陽五行) of oriented traditional concept.

• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.32
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• pp.186-218
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• 2017

The ritual food is one of the indispensable elements in rituals of Korean folk beliefs. This is ascertained by the fact that a very simple ritual cannot be practiced and performed even without offering a bowl of water. In this regard, it is properly claimed that food is an essential medium of communications between man and gods if they spiritually meet and communicate each other by way of various rituals in Korean folk beliefs. It is possible to point out Gut, the typical ritual of Korean Shamanism as an example of serving the ritual foods among Korean folk beliefs. One of the striking phenomena in Gut(Korean Shamanism's rituals) is various ritual foods on the tables for Gut. There is no Gut performances without offering ritual foods, and the ritual food in Gut practices is more than just food offering to the gods. Moreover the ritual food tells that what kind of Gut it is and for what purpose it is performed, for whom it is set up. And even the invited gods of Musok are disclosed according to the ritual food in Gut. Also some parts of Musok's worldview are appeared and actualized through the ritual food in Gut. In this sense the ritual food in Gut is one of the important channels for understanding Gut and Musok, and one of the explanation systems about Musok. Even if recognized the importance of the ritual food in Gut, it still has not been draw proper attentions to deserving its importance in the researches on Musok and Gut. Upon the critical reviews on such tendencies of the previous studies this paper tries to clarify the characteristics and significances of the ritual food in Gut by examining the Jinjuk Gut in Seoul area as an case study. On the basis of this examination, the ritual food in Gut comes up to be one of the important paths to understanding Gut and Musok as an explanatory system on Musok in general.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.356-375
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• 2021

The Generation Z (Gen-Z) consumer has a unique beauty-consuming behavior that is distinct from the previous generations. This study aims to identify the meaning of makeup rituals based on the theoretical framework of the ritual concept. In-depth interviews were conducted with fifteen females in their mid-teens to early 20s. The results showed that Gen-Z has different types of makeup ritual scripts for both ordinary days and special days, which are constantly being re-written and revised based on the experience accumulated. In addition, there are various types of ritual artifacts that play an important role in Gen-Z's makeup ritual, and that they provide psychological comfort and satisfaction. The importance of DIY (Do It Yourself), collecting, and independent brands is emphasized. The role of Gen-Z in the makeup ritual was expanding from a creator for her own ritual to a collaborator for peers' rituals, and sometimes the expansion goes beyond the direct relationships to virtual ones through SNS (Social Network Service). The Gen-Z cohort is found to be a member of beauty knowledge network through which they learn, share, and create the know-how and shopping skills.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.3 no.2 s.6
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• pp.47-66
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• 1994

Chosun dynasty had accepted the Confucianism as a means of governing whole society and in its practical aspect ${\ulcorner}$Garye${\lrcorner}$ and the ceremonies of family ritual regarded as important. As a result, after mid-Chosun dynasty family ritual was begun to popularized on a national scale, and the socio-culture system which was interrelated with it changed into confucian ones. These fill-scaled change, on the other hand, resulted into the change of spatial use and plan type of yangban houses. In this aspect, this study intends to clarify the influence of family ritual on spatial use of yangban houses through the comparison between ideal pattern and behavioral one of family ritual. And this study made Gwanhonrye except Sangjerye an object because these two ceremonies were peformed in sucession in those day's behavior. The research setting is the Korean traditional society prior to modernization. The collected materials are based on ethnographic information as well as personal documents, public records, field works and the books on family ritual. The methodology for the present study is primarily based on the comparison study between available documents and field work. Especially, as the books on family ritual include some explanatory diagrams of the ideal pattern, these diagrams are compared with another ones made by the author of the behavioral pattern. The major findings are as follows. Firstly, in the aspect of Gwanhonrye's process, the ideal pattern is similar to the behavioral one. But even the essential course of the ideal pattern of Honrye is 'chinyoung', it has never been accepcted in Chosun dynasty on account of 'seoryubuga'. Secondly, even though the names of the performing space of family ritual are different each pattern, the methods of spatial use in processing these two ceremonies are similar. In other words, according to the books on family ritual the major performing spaces of Gwanhonrye are 'chungsa' and 'jungchim', but in practical process of both ceremonies 'sarangchae' and 'anche' are used. Lastly, as family ritual like Gwanrye and Honrye had been practiced at yangban houses after mid-Chosun dynasty as mentioned above, the spatial arrangement had to be changed to a certain extent.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.509-547
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• 2019

The cocoon breeding related national ritual ceremony exercised from the beginning time of Joseon is the 'clothing culture' that has taken its role in the ritual ceremony where it demonstrates the resolution of a state that placed importance in 'things to wear'. During the reign of King Seongjong, it enhanced the level of importance by adding the 'procedure to pick up the mulberry leaved by the queen personally'. During the reign of King Youngjo, the implication of the ritual ceremony was even more expanded that there was an new emergence of new type of national ceremony for the Joseon Era with its first ritual ceremony for woman to personally administer the memorial ceremony to the 'woman divinity' in addition to the 'Jakheonrye' procedure to personally present by the queen for the cocoon breeding. This is intended to meet the status of chingyeonguirye (farming-friendly ceremony) with King Youngjo to personally cultivate the dry field after administering Seonnongje (good harvest paying ceremony) that it is conspicuously demonstrating the importance of farming and cocoon breeding activities. As a result, the Chinjam (a type of ceremony that queen personally breeds cocoon for fabrics) related ceremonial rite that was rearranged during the reign of King Youngjo was settled into 11 ceremonial rites with the expansion of its contents. It ranges from the procedure to leave the palace for carrying out the ritual ceremony to the procedure for the crown princess and Hyebin-gung to accompany the queen, ritual for the queen to devote the Jakheonrye to exercise Chinjam, the ritual for the king to announce his royal message, johyeonui (morning assembly) exercised after completing Chinjam, it is the ritual for the queen to receive the box that contained the cocoon. This type of ritual ceremony is a significant expansion when compared with the exercise carried out earlier and it is part of characteristics displayed for ritual overhaul trend in the reign of King Youngjo. In the main procedures of these ceremonial rites, the music is accompanied and the music includes folk music, inspiration and so forth. The Chinjam related ritual ceremony in the reign of King Youngjo was established in the direction to establish it as the ritual ceremony for a woman who had the divine role of the seonjamje ritual to administer the ritual in a way of having the justification and reality to be consistent.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.58 no.1
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• pp.79-89
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• 2008

Jongga means a head family by only first son's line of each generation. It is our culture's root and identity. It also includes ritual for continuing filial duty. Ritual takes the main role on jongga culture to pay respects to Jongga's ancestors and roots. Therefore, ritual costume's importance can not be neglected. We will check a Po mainly for Jongga ritual costumes' types and designs to refind Jonggas identity and its meaning. In this research, areas are divided to Gyoungsang by Youngnam sect and Jeonla by Kiho sect. Geochang, Andong in Gyoungsang province and Haenam, Namwon, Youngkwang in Jeonla province where currently first sons of Jongga reside have been researched. The method is based on Books and visits on the places. Ritual costumes' types and designs are different between Gyoungsang and Jeonla. Firstly, now in Jongga, only a Dopo and a Durumagi are worn while the manner book shows a Danryoung, a Jikryoung, a Dopo and a Simu. Also costumes are variable on areas. Secondly, a Po is characterized by its sleeve and back-line's inside skirt. In a Po, Gyoungsang has a Duri sleeve and Jeonla has a Duri sleeve which has been changed from a Dunggun sleeve. While Gyoungsang has rectangle-shaped two pieces cloths and a split in a bottom, Jeonla has both a Mu with a split back and a complete split back in back-line's inside skirt. It seems that Youngnam sect's fundamentalism and Kiho sect's flexibility about culture of old political groups would have influenced on these patterns.