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Semantic Interpretation of the Nu-Jeong Cultural Landscape During the 16~18th Century at Youngnam and Honam Area -Focusing on the Designated Cultural Properties- (16~18세기 영·호남 누정에 깃든 문화경관의 의미론적 해석 - 지정 문화재를 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Hyun Woo
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.45 no.1
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    • pp.190-217
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    • 2012
  • This research has studied the building awareness of Nu-Jeong that a view of nature and aesthetic consciousness to unite the nature are inherent by considering Nu-Jeong of scholars who left fame and wealth behind and retired to hermitage in the backwoods in the 16~18 Century. This is to clarify correlation with leaving nature as it is, namely, an ideal state that scholars at the time would enjoy, through landscape awareness accepted into Nu-Jeong literature. In addition, this research has tracked the ideologic flow that acts on space formation by clarifying Korean unique meanings inherent to Nu-Jeong's cultural landscape. As a suggestion for this, the interpretation through 'Pungsu location Nu-Jeong name's analysis Nu-Jeong literature analysis', etc. was tried, so its integrated conclusion is as follows. It is not a chance that scholars of Joseon have left numerous literature works singing the nature. They already had huge interest and knowledge on the nature, and achieved active poetic exchange by sublimating the praise of nature as literature. Nu-Jeong, which was a place of exchange like this, had cleanliness of the nature and ideological purity as an oppositional space on turbid political realities. The Nu-Jeong literature drew the nature into a literature space as it is, without doing abstraction or ideation on the nature. The owner of Nu-Jeong exclusively possessed such natural landscape in grim and independent postures, so it provided a clue of Nu-Jeong cultural landscape that this research aimed to discuss. Scholars who aimed to raise wide and large vigor filled in between the sky and earth got to convince that people are born from the nature, grow in the nature and finally return to the nature. What people are born from the nature and finally return to the nature is just consistent with Taoistic and Zhua-ngzi thoughts denying human work, and leaving nature as it is or nature itself remained intact which is an ideal state. The construction at the time is a vessel containing the spirit of the times of the era. This thesis has proved that the Nu-Jeong culture of scholars located on the central line of Korean landscape was the flower of Joseon's scholar culture by interpreting it semantically.

A Study of Jeongjae Performed by the Iwangjikaakbu(Royal Music Institute): Based on the mubo(choreography notes) of Lee Byungseong and Sung Gyeonglin (이왕직아악부의 정재 음악 연구 - 이병성·성경린 무보를 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Jongsook
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.34
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    • pp.173-214
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    • 2017
  • This study examines and compares music-related records in the mubo (舞譜; choreography notes) written by Sung Gyeonglin (成慶麟, 1911 - 2008), based on the records of 11 kinds of jeongjae (the music and dance performances at the royal court) found in Lee Byungseong's (李丙星, 1909 - 1960) Changsa and Jungjaecheol (呈才及唱詞綴). Even though these records are personal, they provide valuable information about the mubo of the Iwangjikaakbu (the Royal Music Institute) during the period of Japanese colonization. The eleven kinds types of jeongjae-'Cheoyongmu (處容舞)', 'Hyangryungmu (響鈴舞)', 'Mugo (舞鼓)', 'Bosangmu (寶相舞)', 'Chunangjeon (春鶯?)', 'Gainjeonmokdan (佳人剪牧丹)', 'Suyeonjang (壽延長)', 'Mansumu (萬壽舞)', 'Bongraeeui (鳳來儀)', 'Jangsaengboyeonjimu (長生寶宴之舞)', and 'Musanhyang (舞山香)'-can be largely divided into two types: Dangak (Tang dynasty music) and 'Hyangak (traditional Korean music).' The former is distinguished musically by whether or not the jukganja appears. For the appearance of the jukganja in 'Sujeyongjang', 'Bongraeeui' and 'Jangsaengboyeongjimu', the 'boheojaryung (步虛子令)' was used and given the impressive name of jangchunbullojigok (長春不老之曲).' The term punggyungjigok (豊慶之曲)' was used for music that guides a group dance and dancers. For the latter, hamnyungjigok (咸寧之曲) was performed during the development of the dance, and the pungungyeonghoijigok (風雲慶會之曲) was played at the end of the piece. As for the accompaniment for the jeongjae performed by the Iwangjikaakbu, it is significant that various elaborate names were attached to Sangryungsan, Jungryungsan, Seryungsanm, Garakdeoli, Samhyunhwanip, Yeombulhwanip, and taryung (the traditional Korean ballad), which were all parts of 'Samhyunyoungsanhoesang (靈山會上).' Specifically, the 'Hyangdanggyoju (鄕唐交奏)' in 'Jeongjaemudoholgi' was accompanied by various melodies of the 'Samhyunyoungsanhoesang', which were given extravagant names. These are the personal records of the Iwangjikaakbu mubo that were retained by Lee Honggu (李興九, b. 1940), who owns the 'Hakyeonhwadaehapseolmu.' Among them, the ten kinds of jeongjae found in the notes of Sung Gyeonglin are often referred to as 'mueui (舞儀)' and widely used for research on individual jeongjae performances and the history of their development. The notes of Lee Byungseong have not been investigated thoroughly until now and this is the first study that provides a comparative analysis of the notes of Lee Byungseong and Sung Gyeonglin. This investigation is expected to contribute to the further research and knowledge of the jeongjae performance during the period of Japanese colonization.

Nong-ak Artist's Activities seen from the perspective of "Maiden's (娘子) Nong-ak" and 'Girls' (少女) Nong-ak" ('낭자(娘子)농악'과 '소녀(少女)농악'을 통해본 여성 농악예인의 활동)

  • Park, Hye-yeong
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.32
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    • pp.209-241
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    • 2016
  • "Women's Nong-ak (農樂, Traditional Korean music performed by farmers)" was born together with "Maiden group." This study focuses on the reason why women appeared as principal agents of Nong-ak which was almost exclusive to men previously and especially, on the appearance of women Nong-ak Artists who was previously worked in Traditional Drama Troupe. This study empirically deals with details of activities of Maiden's (娘子) Nong-ak troupes and Girls' (少女) Nong-ak troupes through newspaper articles. Women Nong-ak Artists enjoyed popularity with their peculiar attractions. Participating in Nong-ak contests and collecting money for their performances, women Nong-ak Artists learned their skills form masters of Woodo Nong-ak and attracted attention with their colorful costumes. Women of Nong-ak circle especially saw through the trend of the time, expanded their arena of activities and exercised flexibility and ability to react quickly to changing situations while mixing with various genres. In particular, young girls were mobilized to show value and marketability of Korean culture as cultural medium who decorated "Pure Nong-ak art stage." They were no different from "Pretty dolls dancing like angels" who could not purse their interest and economic benefit or incite political cause and their patrons were domestic and overseas political figures. Women artists, who put Nong-ak on the stage in the name of Maiden's (娘子) Nong-ak troupes and Girls' (少女) Nong-ak after the liberation from Japanese colonial rule, contributed to expansion of market base. Women Nong-ak artists, who dominated a century in such troupes as Sadangpae, Hyuprulsa, Maiden's (娘子) Nong-ak troupes, Girls' (少女) Nong-ak troupes and Women Nong-ak troupes, were the very heroines who overturned the conventions of "male predominance (男尊女卑)" which filled Nong-ak arena and cultivated a new tradition of Nong-ak culture.

The Haenam Yoon's the 8th jonbu(종부) Gwangju Lee's family management in Korean letter of Joseon era (한글편지에 나타난 해남윤씨가 8대 종부 광주이씨의 가문경영)

  • Lee, hyun-ju
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.73
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    • pp.385-414
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    • 2018
  • In this article, the women as the subject of the family management in the 19th century cataclysm, In particular, I tried to reconstruct the specific life course of a woman who has a status as a jongbu(종부) in the Korean language through the Hangul letter. The Haenam Yoon's the 8th jongbu(종부) Gwangju Lee attempted to find her own unique identity, not the male-centered social order she had learned. Because she had to live a life outside the traditional environment of traditional society because her husband died at the beginning of her marriage. She perceived herself as an independent subject that she had to find and maintain. When Gwangju Lee married and came to the family of Haenam Yun, the economic power of jong-ga(종가) was much inclined. This economic difficulty was caused by the conflict with the slaves and the decrease of tallage(地代) to the change of the slavery system which was the social flow at that time. And uncles of her husband's intervention made the economic situation of the family more difficult. She established her position as a jongbu(종부) and used the right of Adoption option(입후권) of the jongbu(종부) to establish the impoverished family. She chose adoption from distant relatives who were not children of her husband's uncles. Therefore, I was free from her husband uncle's interests. She also believed that it was most important to take control of the economic interests of her family in order to secure her authority as a jongbu(종부). She believed that she had to exercise her economic rights in order to bring slave labor, which is the most important means of sustaining the domestic economy at the time, In the absence of her husband, she established her family in the social upheaval of the nineteenth century, and took her place as a master of a family, not just a family name.

The Existence and Design Intention of Jeong Seon's True-View Landscape Painting <Cheongdamdo(淸潭圖)> (겸재 정선(謙齋 鄭敾) <청담도(淸潭圖)>의 실재(實在)와 작의(作意))

  • SONG Sukho;JO Jangbin ;SIM Wookyung
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.2
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    • pp.172-203
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    • 2023
  • <Cheongdamdo>(true-view landscape painting) was identified in this study to be a folding screen painting painted by Jeong Seon(a.k.a. Gyeomjae, 1676~1759) in the 32nd year of King Yeongjo(1756) while exploring the Cheongdam area located in Mt. Bukhansan near Seoul. Cheongdam Byeol-eop(Korean villa), consisting of Waunru Pavilion and Nongwolru Pavilion, was a cultural and artistic base at that time, where Nakron(Confucian political party) education took place and the Baegak Poetry Society met. <Cheongdamdo> is a painting that recalls a period of autumn rainfall in 1756 when Jeong Seon arrived in the Cheongdam valley with his disciple Kim Hee-sung(a.k.a. Bulyeomjae, 1723~1769) and met Hong Sang-han(1701~1769). It focuses on the valley flowing from Insubong peak to the village entrance. The title has a dual meaning, emphasizing "Cheongdam", a landscape feature that originated from the name of the area, while also referring to the whole scenery of the Cheongdam area. The technique of drastically brushing down(刷擦) wet pimajoon(hanging linen), the expression of soft horizontal points(米點), and the use of fine brush strokes reveal Jeong Seon's mature age. In particular, considering the contrast between the rock peak and the earthy mountain and symmetry of the numbers, the attempt to harmonize yin and yang sees it regarded as a unique Jingyeong painting(眞境術) that Jeong Seon, who was proficient in 『The Book of Changes』, presented at the final stage of his excursion. 「Cheongdamdongbugi」(Personal Anthology) of Eo Yu-bong(1673~1744) was referenced when Jeong Seon sought to understand and express the true scenery of Cheongdam and the physical properties of the main landscape features in the villa garden. The characteristics of this garden, which Jeong Seon clearly differentiated from the field, suppressed the view of water with transformed and exaggerated rocks(水口막이), elaborately creating a rain forest to cover the villa(裨補林), and adding new elements to help other landscape objects function. In addition, two trees were tilted to effectively close the garden like a gate, and an artificial mountain belt(造山帶), the boundary between the outer garden and the inner garden, was built solidly like a long fence connecting an interior azure dragon(內靑龍) and interior white tiger(內白虎). This is the Bibo-Yeomseung painting(裨補厭勝術) that Jeong Seon used to turn the poor location of the Cheongdam Byeol-eop into an auspicious site(明堂). It is interpreted as being devised to be a pungsu(feng shui) trick, and considered an iconographic embodiment of ideal traditional landscape architecture that was difficult to achieve in reality but which was possible through painting.

Introduction of List of Plant Diseases in Korea 6.1st Edition (2023 Revised Version) (한국식물병명목록 6.1판(2023 개정본))

  • Seon-Hee Kim;Jaehyuk Choi;Young-Joon Choi;Byeong-Yong Park;Su-Heon Lee;Gyoung Hee Kim;Hyun Gi Kong;Donggun Kim;Soonok Kim;Youngho Kim;Chang-Gi Back;Hee-Seong Byun;Jang Kyun Seo;Jun Myoung Yu;Ju-Yeon Yoon;Dong-Hyeon Lee;Seung-Yeol Lee;Seungmo Lim;Yongho Jeon;Jaeyong Chun;Insoo Choi;In-Young Choi;Hyo-Won Choi;Jin Sung Hong;Seung-Beom Hong
    • Research in Plant Disease
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    • v.29 no.4
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    • pp.331-344
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    • 2023
  • More than a year has passed after the 6th edition of 'List of Plant Diseases in Korea (LPDK)' was published in April 2022. The 6.1st edition (2023) of List of Plant Diseases in Korea was made by correcting errors found in the 6th edition of list and adding new diseases reported after the 6th edition. There were 397 corrections from the 6th edition, most of which were simple spelling errors or minor issues. However, 12 diseases were deleted due to duplication or unclear literature proof, and 2 diseases had their diseases' common names changed. We added 158 diseases that were reported before 2021 but not included in the 6th edition, or reported after the 6th edition. After all, 146 diseases were added to the 6,534 diseases in the 6th edition, resulting in a total of 6,680 diseases in the 6.1st edition. Thirty host taxa were also added, increasing the number from 1,390 in the 6th edition to 1,420 in the 6.1st edition. Pathogens were also added to 62 taxa, from 2,400 in the 6th edition, bringing the total to 2,462 taxa in the 6.1st edition. Ultimately, the 6.1st edition (2023) of 'The List of Plant Diseases in Korea' contains 6,680 diseases caused by pathogens of 2,462 taxa on 1,420 hosts. The 6.1st edition is not printed as a book, but is provided through the online 'List of Plant Diseases in Korea' (https://genebank. rda.go.kr/kplantdisease.do).

Analytical Study on the Jehotang in Literature in Terms of Cooking Science (문헌 속 제호탕의 조리학적 분석 연구)

  • Ji, Myoung-Soon;Kim, Jong-Goon
    • Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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    • v.18 no.4
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    • pp.446-454
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    • 2008
  • The traditional Korean drink "Jehotang", which is one of the most commonly prescribed drugs for treatment of the heat stroke accompanied by high fever, severe sweat and thirst, it is effective far quenching thirst strengthening the stomach, stopping diarrhea and regulating intestinal function. It is also known to play a role in activating the growth of useful microbes in the intestine and in multiplying intestinal immune cells. Thus, this study investigated all aspects of the drink in an effort to develop a new functional beverage. In the course of this study, the analytical research into the literature concerning Jehotang an error in the secrets of preparing the drink. The Japanese apricot, which was given the botanical name, "Prunusmume", should only be used with the flesh (scientifically referred to as "Fructusmume"), which is fumigated with straw fire before drying. and the seed should be thrown away. The honey should only be used after it is heated with a gentle fire, before removing the white foam that farms on its surface to make the "Yeonmil". Two kinds of cooking processes were found in the ancient literature. One procedure boiling down the powered Fructus mume mixed with the Yeonmil, while the other procedure involved preparing the Fructus mume's water by adding water to it and blending the water with the Yeonmil and the rest of the raw ingredient before boiling them down. The current procedure, in which the cooking is done in a double boiler, has been widely adopted to its simplicity. The finished Jehotang is put in porcelain, kept at room temperature, and consumed after mixing with cold water.

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A RETROSPECTIVE MULTICENTER CLINICAL STUDY OF INSTALLED US II / SS II IMPLANTS AFTER MAXILLARY SINUS FLOOR ELEVATION (상악동저 거상술 후 Osstem Implant (US II / SS II)의 다기관 후향적 임상연구)

  • Kook, Min-Suk;Park, Hong-Ju;Kim, Su-Gwan;Kim, Young-Kyun;Cho, Yong-Seok;Choi, Gab-Lim;Oh, Young-Hak;Oh, Hee-Kyun
    • Journal of the Korean Association of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgeons
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    • v.34 no.3
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    • pp.341-349
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    • 2008
  • Purpose: The purpose of this study was to evaluate the $Osstem^{(R)}$ implants (US II/SS II implants) through the retrospective study for the clinical success rate during the installation of the $Osstem^{(R)}$ implants (US II/SS II implants) by using of the procedures of maxillary sinus floor elevation. Materials and methods: The current study was researched in the 6 medical institutions: Chonnam National University, Chosun University, Pusan DaeDong Hospital, Bundang Seoul National University Hospital, Ap-Seon Clinic, and All Clinic. Based on the total number of 116 patients whose treatment was the installation of the US II/SS II implants with the procedures of the maxillary sinus floor elevation, they were conferred on the dental records of the patients under the joint consultation of the 6 medical institutions. On the dental recording charts, there were included in as the following; the name of the institutions, gender, age, with or without smoking or drinking, with or without the generalized diseases, the height of the alveolar bone on the operational sites, elapsed edentulous state period, the state of the opposed or adjacent teeth, the methods of the maxillary sinus floor elevation, secondary time period for surgery, the lengths, types, and diameters of implants, with or without bone transplantation or the types of bone, postoperative current bone height, current adjacent soft tissue state of the implants, with or without the success of the installations of the implants. We have done our survey with the clinical and radiolographical examinations and dental questionaries. The success and survival rate of the implants was evaluated. Results 1. Total number of the patients with the installation of the US II implants were 62. The 252 numbers of US II implants were installed on the 89 maxillary sinuses. The patient's mean age was 54.1 years old and there were 36 men and 27 women. 2. Total number of patients with the installation of SS II implant were 57. The 165 numbers of SS II implants were planted on the 80 maxillary sinuses. Their mean age was 48.7 years old and there were 37 men and 20 women. 3. The follow-up period was 30.7 months(21-49 mon) on average. The vertical bone loss of installed implants after the procedures of the maxillary sinus elevation was 1.1 mm on average in SS II and 1.3 mm on average in US II. There existed no statistical significance on each group. The mean enlarged bone height after the maxillary sinus floor elevation was 8.2 mm. 4. For the procedures of the maxillary sinus elevation, the Lateral approach technique occupied 87.1%, which was the most used one. In addition, the most frequently used transplanted bone was autogenous bone only which was 72.7% during the maxillary sinus floor elevation. 5. The complication of maxillary sinus floor elevation were perforation of sinus membrane, disesthesia on doner site, exposure of cover screw and exposure of maxillar bone. 6. The survival rate of US II and SS II after maxillary sinus floor elevation was 99.2% and 95.8%, respectively. And the success rate of US II and SS II after maxillary sinus floor elevation was 97.6% and 89.7%, respectively. Conclusion : On the evaluation of the analysis of our study, both US II and SS II implants showed the excellent clinical results by use of the procedures of maxillary sinus floor elevation.

The study of the relation between the medicine of Taoism and oriental medicine (도교의학(道敎醫學)에 관한 연구(硏究) (한의학(韓醫學)과 연관(聯關)된 부분(部分)을 중심(中心)으로))

  • Lee, Byung Sou;Yun, Chang Yul
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.6
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    • pp.252-305
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    • 1993
  • I have studied the relation between a Taoist(道家) and the oriental medicine(韓醫學), it is summerized as following. 1. According to the relation between a Taoist(道家) and the oriental medicine, Lao-tzu(老子)' mathematical principle that had an influence on Three yin-three yang(三陰三陽) theory of the oriental medicine, idea of natural philosopy(自然無爲) and the freedom from avarace(無慾) on the oriental medicine. 2. Vital essence and energy theory(精氣設) in a Taoist not only can be seen in Lao-tzu' Do dug gyung(老子道德經), Maengza(孟子), Guanza(管子), but also its principle has something to do with Nei Ching's Vital essence and energy theory(精氣設). 3. Danjungpa(丹鼎派) can be divided into Naedansul(內丹術) which preserves through the breath and Oedansul(外丹術) which makes one a Taoist hermit. If he takes magic portions(金丹), they had a great effect on Yangsanghak(養生學) and was actually concerned with oriental doctors who was known to us. 4. If medicine of Taoism is classified, it can be divided into three categories. Boiled solution(渴液), Pharmacopea "Ben cao"(本草), Acupuncture & moxibustion(針灸), Magic portions(外丹) are used in the first category. Chinese setting-up and Therapeutic exercises(導引), Josik(調息), Naedan(內丹), Byugok(辟榖), Naeshi(內視), Banjung(房中) belong to second category. The religious contents such as Bu(符), Jeum(占), Cheum(籤), Ju(呪), Je(齊), Gido(祈禱), taboo are implied in third category. 5. In the history of the medicine of Taoism and oriental medicine, they are called animism, shamanism, Mu(巫) or Ye(毉), not separated at first period. In the end of junguk(戰國時代), Ye(醫) was clearly distinguished from Mu(巫) and then Mu(巫) was developed into medicine of Taoism and ye(毉) into the present form of oriental medicine. 6. The oriental medicine doctors that are concerned with Taoism are Bakgo(伯高), Geyugu(鬼臾區), Soyu(少兪), Noigong(雷公), Pyujak(篇鵲), Sunuyi(淳于意), Hwata(華陀), Hwangbomil(皇甫謐), Hangang(韓康), Dongbong(童奉), Heuson(許遜), Galhong(葛洪), Dohongyung(陶弘景), Damlan(曇鸞), uyjajang(葦慈藏), Sonsanak(孫思邈), Wanguing(王氷), Jegonghwalbul(濟公活佛), Yuwanso(劉完素), Judonge(朱丹溪), Leesijin(李時珍), Johakmin(趙學敏), Ougu1(吳杰) etc. 7. The view of a human body in the medicine of Taoism affected the oriental medicine on the ground that man was regarded as a microcosm(小宇宙), so he was compared to a nation or heaven and earth. 8. The anatomy of medicine of Taoism gave a detail description of five visceras and each organs, the heart, center of mental function, Mirie(尾閭) which has an relationship to the training of Naedan(內丹修練). In this resrect, as it is accord with the acupunture point of oriental medicine, therefore we can find that Taoism influenced oriental medicine, also explicit study was achieved. 9. Acient people believed that the goo in the human lxxIy, one of the characteristics of the medicine of Taoism cured the patients and then protected him from the disease. If a man was taken ill, they had him cured by making the god's name which corresponded to its disease, calling him communicating with him, and asking him to deprive him of illness. This treatment was used to live and be kept young eternally. In this respects, we can see that they emphasized on the attitude of Bulchiyibeung chimibeung(不治己病治末病) and psychological treatment. 10. Samsi thoery(三尸說) that one's fortune, disaster, health, and disease in the world are at the mercy of his good or bad conduct, is concerned with Taoism and treatment with the oriental medicine. 11. Guchung(九蟲) is more closly associated with the religious aspect rather than with the medical aspect. Because of the similarity of the mcdern parasitism, its study has an important meaning. 12. The respect for the human life is reflected in jeunsi(傳屍), with Samsi-guchung theory(三尸九蟲說), which is considered as mxIern tuberculosis.

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The Present State and Solutions for Archival Arrangement and Description of National Archives & Records Service of Korea (국가기록원의 기록물 정리기술의 현황과 개선방안)

  • Yoon, Ju-Bom
    • Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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    • v.4 no.2
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    • pp.118-162
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    • 2004
  • Archival description in archives has an important role in document control and reference service. Archives has made an effort to do archival description. But we have some differences and problems about a theory and practical processes comparing with advanced countries. The serious difference in a theory is that a function classification, maintenance of an original order, arrangement of multi-level description are not reflected in practical process. they are arranged in shelves after they are arranged by registration order in a unit of a volume like an arrangement of book. In addition, there are problems in history of agency change or control of index. So these can cause inconvenience for users. For improving, in this study we introduced the meaning and importance of arrangement of description, the situation and problem of arrangement of description in The National Archives, and a description guideline in other foreign countries. The next is an example for ISAD(G). This paper has chapter 8, the chapter 1 is introduction, the chapter 2 is the meaning and importance of arrangement of description, excluding the chapter 8 is conclusion we can say like this from the chapter 3 to the chapter 7. In the chapter 3, we explain GOVT we are using now and description element category in situation and problem of arrangement of description in Archives. In the chapter 4, this is about guideline from Archives in U.S.A, England and Australia. 1. Lifecycle Date Requirement Guide from NARA is introduced and of the description field, the way of the description about just one title element is introduced. 2. This is about the guideline of the description from Public Record Office. That name is National Archives Cataloguing Guidelines Introduction. We are saying "PROCAT" from this guideline and the seven procedure of description. 3. This is about Commomon Record Series from National Archives of Australia. we studied Registration & description procedures for CRS system. In the chapter 5, This is about the example which applied ISAD to. Archives introduce description of documents produced from Appeals Commission in the Ministry of Government Administration. In the chapter 6, 7. These are about the problems we pointed after using ISAD, naming for the document at procedure section in every institution, the lack of description fields category, the sort or classification of the kind or form, the reference or identified number, the absence description rule about the details, function classification, multi-level description, input format, arrangement of book shelf, authority control. The plan for improving are that problems. The best way for arrangement and description in Archives is to examine the standard, guideline, manual from archives in the advanced countries. So we suggested we need many research and study about this in the academic field.