• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.5
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• pp.151-199
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• 1992

A study on Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n, one of the most widely-known Korean medicine books, has been conducted and the findings are as follows:the political and social background at the end of Yi-dynasty amidst the inflow of western civilization and the aggression of foreign forces can be seen as a historical period of trial, when civilization and independence had to be preserved at the same time, during the period, the social trend was to pursue a rapid practical solution rather than a profound theory. Responding to this trend, simple and easy medical science became to prevailand the representative medicine book of this kind was Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n. 1. Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n was written comprising the characteristics of simple and easy medical science with a view to popularizing-collection of logics, easy readability, medical science in time, etc. 2. Bang Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n, rich and grand in content, came out of Dong-$\breve{U}$i-Bo-Gam at the right moment as a pragmatic guide book of Korea medical practice symbolizing Korean spirit. 3. Do-yun Whang whose pen name was Hye-Am was born in Changwon, Kyungnam-do as the 18th descendant of Changwon Whang family. He engaged in medical practice in Seoul and wrote and edited Boo-Bang-Py$\breve{u}$n-Ram. $\breve{U}$i-Jong-Son-Ik, $\breve{U}$i-J$\breve{u}$ng-Son-Ik-Bu-Yeo, $\breve{U}$i-Bang-Whan-Tu, ect. and made his son, Pil-Su follow him and let him edit Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n, which put $\breve{U}$i-Bang-Whal-Tu and Son-Ik-Bon-Cho together. 4. The construct of Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n can be subdivied into three parts: herbs of 34 classes and 514 kinds were arranged on the upper part and $\breve{U}$i-Bang-Whal-Tu was arranged on the middle end lower part. Such arrangement can be very effective in clinics. 5. Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n as a curative book of Korean medical science has been a necessary another ego for many Korean medical practioners. It also played a great role of enhancing Korean oriental medical science to be widely used by Koreans. On the other hand, it produced a side effect of emergence of employed medical practioner who lacked in scholastic aptitude. 6. Tens or newly edited Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n have been issued. Among them, Jung-Jeong, Bang-Yak-Hap-py$\breve{u}$n, J$\breve{u}$ng-Mak-Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n. By$\breve{u}$n-J$\breve{u}$ng-Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n, and By$\breve{u}$n-J$\breve{u}$ng-Bang-Yak-Jung-Jeon have been widely known. Lately, Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n which includes more symptoms and remedies or is translated into Korean came out in several kinds. 7. The number of korea classical medicinal books quoted in Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n is 68, among which Dong-$\breve{U}$i-Bo-Gam Occupies the top in the list enlisting 69 medicinal treatment. This Shows that Dong-$\breve{U}$i-Bo-Gam gave birth to Bang-Yak-Hap-Py$\breve{u}$n.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.34
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• pp.293-316
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• 2014

(傳說의 故鄕) is a broadcast play as one-act play series based on Korean legends and folktales. It was first aired in 1977 from KBS and there has been borrowed from this play in a variety of genres such as books and movies as the name of this series securing its popularity and awareness of the public. In this context, this is a representative work for Korean horror genre. Recently, for example, a series webtoon <2013 Home of the Legends> is published on one of the main portal websites, NAVER from July, 2013. This webtoon is main subject of this study. The purpose of this study is to discuss how the genre characteristics of Korean horror in TV serial play transmitted and changed in series webtoon <2013 Home of the Legends>. TV serial play is a representative narrative based on Korean folktales, trying to change its narrative in the range of undestroyed folktale basic move with combining the original motifs. Serial webtoon <2013 Home of the Legends>, however, deconstructs this combination motif in folktale form and leads to new move in narrative. For Korean users accustomed to Korean folktale form as the architext, this will be expected as reversal and make catharsis. Meanwhile, the deconstruction of combination motif leads to extinction of its cause-and-effect, which consists the axis of original narrative form, with resulting powerless theme, good overcoming evil and punitive justice. The aspects of changes in <2013 Home of the Legends> represent new orientation of Korean horror.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-83
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• 1996

Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) is our own, medical work written about the middle of the time of Korea Dynasty. I restored and researched this book because it needed to be illuminated about its medico-historic value and then I came to some conclusions as follows. 1. Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang was published in Dae-jang-do-kam(大藏都監) of Kanghaw island(江華島) about the middle of Korea Dynasty. Choi Ja-ha(崔自河) republished it on original publication ground in Euiheung(義興) of Kyungsang-Province(慶尙道) in July, Taejong's(太宗) 17th year of Chosen Dynasty (A.D.1417) and this book was published again in Chungcheng Province(忠淸道) in Sejong's(世宗) 9th year(A.D.1427). The book published in Taejong's days was in the possession of books department of Kung-nae-cheng(宮內廳) in Japan and was the oldest medical book of existing ones. 2. Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu(方中鄕藥目草部) of this book was originally intended to be adjusted in each division with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock(方中鄕藥目). But Herb part(草部) only followed editing progress of Jeung-Lew-Bon-Cho(證類本草), the rest is not divided into each part and is together arranged at the below of Herb part with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. The Korean inscriptions on some drugstuffs in this book are different between Native Name(鄕名) of three volumes of provisions and general-spoken(俗云) of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. In this, it is estimated that the publishing time and editor of tile volume of provisions and Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu are different. I think Choi Ja-ha compiled this behind three volumes of provisions when he published. 3. This book picked some prescriptions which consisted of obtainable drugs with ease in Korea in the books of Chell-Keum-Yo-Bang(千金要方), Oi-Dae-Bi-Yo(外臺秘要), Tae-Peong-Sung-Hye-Bang(太平聖惠方), Ju-Hu-Bang(?後方), Kyung-Hum-Yang- Bang(經驗良方) Bo-Je-Bon-Sa-Bang(普濟本事方) Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang(備預百要方) and so on and got together our own prescriptions. On the whole Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang was a chief referrence book, On this, other books referred to and corrected. 4. In provisions quoted from Hyang-Yack-Jip-Sung-Bang(鄕藥集成方), there are seven provisions; leg-paralysis part, coughing part, headache part, obstetrics part, etc. don't show in this book. This is why Choi Ja-ha published only certain texts on Dae-jang-do-kam edition his own posession. So we can think the existing edition has a little misses compared with original edition. 5. This book recorded only names of drugstuffs in animal drug department like fowls, crab, goldbug, earthworm, etc. and didn't tell us ways of taking those. This is effect of Buddhist culture on medicine. This is efforts to practice 'Don't murder';one of Five Prohibition of Buddhism. 6. Beacause this book was published at the time, when our originative medicine would be set forth. This followed the Chinese ways in Theory, Treatment, Prescription and used 'Hyang Yack' in Medication out of theory of Korean medicine, which was a transitional form. So this is all important material which tell us aspects of development of 'Hyang Yack' the middle of Korea Dynasty.and this is also the beginning of originative, medical works like Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑), Dong-Eui-Su-Bo-Won(東醫壽世保元). 7. There are few contents based on 'Byen-Jeung-Lon-Chi(辨證論治)'in this book. So we can see this book is not for doctors who study medical thoughts but for general public who suffer from diseases resulted from war. Because this book was written for a first-aid treatmeant, this is an index of medical service for the people those days. And this is also an useful datum for first-aid medicine or military medicine in these modern days. 8. Nowadays, parts of learned world of Korean medicine disregard essential theories and want to explain Korean medicine only by the theories or the methods of Western medicine. Moreover they don't adopt Chinese and Japanese theorys & thoughts about Oriental medicine in our own style and just view in there level. What was worse, there is a growing tendency for them to indulge in a trimming policy of scholarship and to take others' ideas. I think these trends to ignore our own medical thoughts involving growth of 'Hyang Yack' in the middle of Korea Dynasty, Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam and Dong-Eui-Su-Se-Bo-Won. So we, as researchers of Korean medicine, must get out of this tendency, and take over brilliant tradition and try to develop originative Korean medicine.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.123-133
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• 1981

If we are to define that the traditional costume is a comprehensive expression of the culture, thoughts, and arts of a country, it is needless to say that the traditional costume would have always reflected the social and cultural aspects of the times. In order words, the cultural contemplation of a certain people at some point the history is only possible when we observe the distintive features of the costume worn by the people of respective times. Although the Korean people had the native costume of its own from the times of the Ancient Choson to the Three Kingdoms of Koguryo, Paekche, and Silla, the Chinese influence on Korean traditional costume became somewhat pronounced ever since the Silla strenghtened the political ties with the T'ang dynasty in China, and it came to a climax when the dual structure in Korean native costume, being compounded with the Chinese touch, continued to be prevailed from the era of the Unified Silla to the Koryo and throughout the succeeding Yi dynasty, thereby copying the typical aspects of Chinese pattern in clothing and dresses worn by the ruling classes, namely the goverment officials including the Kings. Therefore, it is our aim to study the pattern of Chinese influence on our traditional costume, as well as social and cultural aspects by way of contrasting and comparing our official outfit system, which had been developing in dualism since the era of the Unified Silla, with that of China, and to trace in part the Korean traditional costume. In comparing our traditional official outfit system with that of China, we have basically concentrated on the comparison of the official outfit systems during the periods of the Three Kingdoms, the Koryo, and The Yi dynasty with that of corresponding era of Chinese history, namely the dynasties of T'ang, Sung, and Ming, and followed the documentary records for the comparison. Koreans had fallen into the practice of worshipping the powerful in China and begun to adopt the culture and institutions of the T'ang dynasty since the founding of the Unified Silla. From this time forth, Korean people started to wear the clothes in Chinese style. The style of clothing during the period of the Koryo Kingdom was deeply influenced by that of the T'ang and Sung dynasties in China, and it was also under the influenced of the Yuan dynasty(dynasty established by the Mongols) at one time, because of the Koryo's subordinative position to the Yuan. At the close of the Koryo dynasty, the King Kongmin ordered the stoppage on the use of 'Ji-Joung', the name of an era for the Yuan dynasty, in May of the eighteenth year of his rule in order to have the royal authority recognized by a newly rising power dominating the Chinese continent, the Mind. Kind Kongmin presented a memorial, repaying a kindness to the Emperor T'aejo of the Ming dynasty in celebration of his enthronement and requested that the emperor choose an official outfit, thereby the Chinese influence being converted to that of the Ming. As a matter of course, the Chinese influence deepened all the more during the era of the Yi dynasty coupled with the forces of the toadyic ideology of worshipping the China, dominant current of the times, and the entire costume, from the imperial crown and robe to the official outfit system of government officials, such as official uniforms, ordinary clothes, sacrificial robes, and court dresses followed the Chinese style in their design. Koreans did not have the opportunity of developing the official outfit system on its own and they just wore the official outfit designated on separate occasions by the emperors of China, whenever the changes in dynasty occurred in the continent. Especially, the Chinese influence had greatly affected in leading our consciousness on the traditional costume to the consciousness of the class and authority. Judging from the results, Koreans had been attaching weight to the formulation of the traditional outfit system for the ruling classes in all respective times of the history and the formulation of the system was nothing more than the simple following of the Chinese system.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.97-127
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• 1991

This paper investigates the roles and the limitations of the Korean antitrust agencies-the Office of Fair Trade (OFT) and the Fair Trade Commission (FTC) during the making of the major industrial policies of the 1980's. The Korean antitrust agencies played only a minimal role in three major industrial policy-making issues in the 1980's- the enactment of the Industrial Development Act (IDA), the Industrial Rationalization Measures according to the IDA, and the Industrial Readjustment Measures on Consolidation of Large Insolvent Enterprises based on the revised Tax Exemption and Reduction Control Act. As causes for this performance bias in the Korean antitrust system, this paper considers five factors according to the current literature on implementation failure: ambiguous and insufficient statutory provisions of the Monopoly Regulation and Fair Trade Act (MRFTA); lack of resources; biased attitudes and motivations of the staff of the OFT and the FTC; bureaucratic incapability; and widespread misunderstanding about the roles and functions of the antitrust system in Korea. Among these five factors, bureaucratic incompetence and lack of understanding in various policy implementation environments about the roles and functions of the antitrust system have been regarded as the most important ones. Most staff members did not have enough educational training during their school years to engage in antitrust and fair trade policy-making. Furthermore, the high rate of staff turnover due to a mandatory personnel transfer system has prohibited the accumulation of knowledge and skills required for pursuing complicated structural antitrust enforcement. The limited capability of the OFT has put the agency in a disadvantaged position in negotiating with other economic ministries. The OFT has not provided plausible counter-arguments based on sound economic theories against other economic ministries' intensive market interventions in the name of rationalization and readjustment of industries. If the staff members of antitrust agencies have lacked substantive understanding of the antitrust and fair trade policy, the rest of government agencies must have had serious problems in understanding the correst roles and functions of the antitrust system. The policy environment of the Korean antitrust system, including other economic ministries, the Deputy Prime Minister, and President Chun, have tended to conceptualize the OFT more as an agency aiming only at fair trade policy and less as an agency that should enforce structural monopoly regulation as well. Based on this assessment of the performance of the Korean antitrust system, this paper evaluate current reform proposals for the MRFT A. The inclusion of the regulation of conglomerate mergers and of business divestiture orders may be a desirable revision, giving the MRFTA more complete provisions. However, given deficient staff experties and the unfavorable policy environments, it would be too optimistic and naive to expect that the inclusion of these provisions alone could improve the performance of the Korean antitrust system. In its conclusion, this paper suggests several policy recommendations for the Korean antitrust system, which would secure the stable development and accumulation of antitrust expertise for its staff members and enough understanding and conformity from its environments about its antitrust goals and functions.

• The Journal of Korean Academic Society of Nursing Education
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.17-23
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• 1995

One of the biggest problems of Nursing Education in Korea is the division among nursing education programs of the last 3 and 4 years. To solve this problem, Nursing community must do variable trials to achieve the unity of a 4-year educational program. With this, we need to observe the phenomena and reality of the present 4-year nursing educational program that we have. The object of this study is to analyse and discuss that we have. The object of this study is to analyse and discuss the problems and future strategies of 4-year Nursing Baccalaureate program. 1. Problems as nursing department in Medical School. 1) Many 4-year nursing baccalaureate programs are operating under the medical school as nursing department. So the academic development in nursing department is unprogressive and is not approved as unique discipline. 2) The operating system between nursing and medical department are different even though they are in the same school. 3) Inequality between nursing and medical department : In many case, the nursing professor can not attend administraion committees to discuss the medical school's operation because of many differences between nursing and medical organization. 4) Weakness of the leadership and the student activities in nursing student : The nursing student involvement is usually passive because of the difference of curriculum, less number than medical students and the difference between 4-year and 6-year education program. 5) There is the obscurity of the relationship between department of nursing and other departments in whole university. 2. Problems in nursing itself 1) We need to reconstruct nursing discipline. We must change from the disease centered model to health centered model and life cycle centered model so that we can be distinguished from medicine. We also must change from hospital centered nursing to all population centered nursing, 2) The improvement of curriculum ; When the independent framework of nursing discipline become established, we need to improve the curriculum. 3) The education of clinical practice ; Most nursing school programs are divided into professors who are lecturing the theory and clinical teachers who are teaching the nursing technique in the clinic. So, what is needed in nursing discipline is that the professors have a dual position. In America, The professor is required to be a clinical specialist and to have his or her clinic so that the professor become a good role model, teach the clinical practice effectively, and give the student the practice field. 4) To extend fields of nursing : At first, the school nurse must become the school health educator, a real teacher. The nurse must establish and operate a childern's wellbeing center or nursery school, a disabled people's house or senile's wellbeing center, a mental health center, and a health promotion clinic for healthy people. 5) The name 'nursing department' need to be considered. When the focus is to be changed from the disease model to health improvement model, we take into consideration change 'nursing college', 'nursing department' and 'nursing profession' to 'health science college' or 'health wellbeing college'. 6) We must have highly qualified academic students. Each Nursing educational faculties must have the high qualified students through the development of nursing educational program and the increment of scholarship. The Korean Nurses Association and The Korean Clinical Nurses Association need to make an endeavor for the improvement of work condition and payment of clinical nurses of hospitals who consist of 70% of all nursing manpower. 3. Improvement Strategy 1) All nursing educational program must be changed 4-year program gradually. 2) Nursing department need to try to become nursing college. 3) We need to study many researches for improvement of the problem in nursing discipline and nursing education. We need more interdisciplinary researches, and we need to be granted for that research. 4) We need to have many seminars and workshops thoughout the whole country to expand a sense of nursing education. 5) Drawing up a policies plan for the nursing educational improvement : The Korean Nurses Association, The Korean Academic Nursing Association, Korea Nursing College and department President's Committee, and Korea Academic Society of Nursing Education must try for the development of nursing educational improvement and ask for government frame the policy to develop nursing education.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.21
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• pp.77-110
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• 2004

This study is an exploration of a Korean-American writer, Hong-Eun's Mong-yu siga. Hong-Eun immigrated to the United States during the colonial rule of the Japanese government. He was a publisher of The New Korea Times, and contributed various literary works to it. The purpose of this study is to analyze his two Mong-yu sigas published in 1935 and 1947 and elucidate their meanings. Using dream as a primary motif, the intention of Mong-yu mode is to achieve desire which is impossible to reach in reality. While his staying in the United States, Hong-Eun could not return his home country for two reasons, that is, political and financial ones. To return Korea desperately, he wrote sigas by adopting Mong-yu mode. His first attempt was reflected as eight pieces of consecutive poetries titled This Mountain In My Dream, I am Home. This Mountain was published on the 25th of April, 1935 and In My Dream, I am Home was contributed from May the 9th of 1935 to July the fourth of the same year. These works were published in the The New Korea Times' poetry column under the pen name of Donghae-soboo , Representing gasa of the enlightenment era, this poetry depicts historical identity of Chosun dynasty, especially focusing on before and after the 1900s. As a result of it, the poetry sketches the ideology of the Middle Ages. His second attempt was A Country and Hometown written as a form of prelude on the 25th of September, 1947. In addition, A Country in My Dream was published as a form of six pieces of consecutive poetry from October the second to November the sixth of 1947. He chose sijo as a major form of poetry, and the image of the poetry seemed to be the continuation of his first attempt. Confronting the reality of the his own country which is divided, the writer expresses his antagonism toward America and Russia. Although he could eventually return his country later, he rationalized himself by saying that his it is not the ideal place to go. Mong-yu mode is a traditional poetic technique which the intellectuals of the Middle Age used to use as one pattern of allegory. In addition to this, in the period of the enlightenment of Korea, Mong-yu was used to avoid the Japanese censorship and experiment on the diverse ways of writing. In terms of literary history, the significance of Hong-Eun's creation of Mong-yu sigas is that Hong-Eun shares the same intention with Korean intellectuals of the enlightenment period.

• Journal of dental hygiene science
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• v.5 no.4
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• pp.211-220
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• 2005

The purpose of this study was to examine the job performance of dental coordinators and their perception of their job to lay the groundwork for utilizing dental personnels more efficiently. The subjects in this study were dental coordinators who worked at selected dental hospitals and clinics in Seoul, Gyeonggi province and Incheon. A survey was conducted to gather data from May 1 to August 8, 2005 and answer sheets from 108 respondents were analyzed. The findings of the study were as follows: 1. As for the length of service, 43.5 percent of the dental coordinators investigated had worked at dental institutes for five years or more, which was followed by less than two years(19.5%) and three years to less than five years(19.4%). Concerning the length of service as dental coordinators, 39.8 percent had served for less than two years, and 19.4 percent had worked for two years to less than three years and for five years or more respectively. Regarding the name of position, 38 percent were called team leaders, and 30.6 percent were called coordinators. As to duties, the largest group of them that stood at 30.6 percent were in charge of receiving, and in regard to department, the largest group, 57.4 percent, belonged to the treatment backup department. 2. Concerning education, the greatest number of them, 45.4 percent, had received education at private institutes, and 73.1 percent found it necessary for dental coordinators to take an authorized qualification test. 43.5 percent, the largest group, looked upon the central government as the best organization to authorize their qualifications and 70.8 percent believed that what they learned enabled them to perform their job successfully. As to the necessity of follow-up education as a means to improve job performance, 96.3 percent consented to it. As for the reason, 63.9 percent considered that necessary to enhance their own ability and 22.2 percent were in want of systematic education. Regarding educational expenses, 29.6 percent were subsidized by the dental institutes where they had worked and 25.9 percent had totally been responsible for that. Regarding a required course, medical service and marketing was most widely pointed out(66.7%), followed by theory and practice(65.7%) and introduction to dentistry(57.4%). As to what sort of education they wanted to receive more, dental service and marketing was selected the most, followed by practical health insurance(35.2%). 3. In regard to what type of job they performed as dental coordinators, 88.9 percent were in charge of appointment in the field of customer service, and 87.9 percent paid attention to having good manners as service providers in the area of self-management. In the field of hospital affairs, 81.3 percent were in charge of receiving. 4. As to their awareness of dental coordinator job, the largest group took pride in the job they performed ($3.99{\pm}0.76$), and the second largest group believed that dental coordinators made a great contribution to hospital management ($3.92{\pm}0.70$). The third largest group gave a great weight to their own job ($3.91{\pm}0.84$) in light of overall dental duties and the fourth largest group found themselves to get along with other employees regardless of position ($3.86{\pm}0.74$). The fifth largest group believed their job was of great use for promoting the oral health of patients ($3.76{\pm}0.75$), and the sixth largest group thought the future of dental coordinators was promising($3.74{\pm}0.86$). 5. In regard to their perception by age group, those who were older had a better opinion on every item of their job in general. Their age made a statistically significant difference to their view of the weight of dental coordinator job(P < 0.001) in light of overall dental duties, of being approved and trusted by managers(P < 0.01), of social awareness of dental coordinator, and of being understood and approved by other employees and dentists. Their pride in current job and their satisfaction with the name of their position were statistically significantly different according to their age as well. Besides, their age made a statistically significant difference to their opinion about whether or not there was an age limit to their occupation and about their contribution to hospital management (P < 0.05). 6. As for their perception by type of job, the dental hygienists were generally most satisfied with their job, followed by nursing aids and others. There was a statistically significant gap among their opinions about whether to make a job-related decision on their own(P < 0.001). the weight of their job in terms of overall dental duties, whether their job improved their ability, whether their job made a great contribution to enhancing the oral health of patients, whether their job was understood and approved by other employees(P < 0.01), social awareness of their job, whether they conflicted with other employees during job performance, and whether dental hospitals or clinics offered a self-development opportunity for them to take their ability to another level(P < 0.05). And their satisfaction with current pay was statistically significantly different as well.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.117-124
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• 1975

Wet chemical analysis (for $MnO_2$, MnO, and $H_2O$(+)) and electron microprobe analysis (for $Fe_2O_3$ and PbO) give $MnO_2$ 74.91, MnO 11.33, $Fe_2O_3$ (total Fe) 4.19, PbO 0.03, $H_2O$ (+) 9.46, sum 99.92%. 'Available oxygen determined by oxalate titration method is allotted to $MnO_2$ from total Mn, and the remaining Mn is calculated as MnO. Traces of Ba, Ca, Mg, K, Cu, Zn, and Al were found. Li and Na were not found. The existence of (OH) is verified from the infrared absorption spectra. The analysis corresponds to the formula $Mn^{4+}{_{4.85}}(Mn^{2+}{_{0.90}}Fe^{3+}{_{0.30}})_{1.20}O_{8.09}(OH)_{5.91}$, on the basis of O=14, 'or ideally $Mn^{4+}{_{5-x}}(Mn^{2+},Fe^{3+})_{1+x}O_{8}(OH)_{6}$ ($x{\approx}0.2$). X-ray single crystal study could not be made because of the distortion of single crystals. But the x-ray powder pattern is satisfactorily indexed by an orthorhombic cell with a 9.324, b 14.05, c $7.956{\AA}$., Z=4. The indexed powder diffraction lines are 9.34(s) (100), 7.09(s) (020), 4.62(m) (200, 121), 4.17(m) (130), 3.547(s) (112), 3.212(vw) (041), 3.101(s) (300), 2.597(w) (013), 2.469(m) (331), 2.214(vw)(420), 2.098(vw) (260), 2.014 (vw) (402), 1.863(w) (500), 1.664(w) (314), 1.554(vw) (600), 1.525(m) (601), 1.405(m) (0.10.0). DTA curve shows the endothermic peaks at $250-370^{\circ}C$ and $955^{\circ}C$. The former is due to the dehydration: and oxidation forming$(Mn,\;Fe)_2O_3$(cubic, a $9.417{\AA}$), and the latter is interpreted as the formation of a hausmannite-type oxide (tetragonal, a 5.76, c $9.51{\AA}$) from $(Mn,\;Fe)_2O_3$. Infrared absorption spectral curve shows Mn-O stretching vibrations at $515cm^{-1}$ and $545cm^{-1}$, O-H bending vibration at $1025cm^{-1}$ and O-H stretching vibration at $3225cm^{-1}$. Opaque. Reflectance 13-15%. Bireflectance distinct in air and strong in oil. Reflection pleochroism changes from whitish to light grey. Between crossed nicols, color changes from yellowish brown with bluish tint to grey in air and yellowish brown to grey through bluish brown in oil. No internal reflections. Etching reactions: HCl(conc.) and $H_2SO_4+H_2O_2$-grey tarnish; $SnCl_2$(sat.)-dark color; $HNO_3$(conc.)-grey color; $H_2O_2$-tarnish with effervescence. It is black in color. Luster dull. Cleavage one direction perfect. Streak brownish black to dark brown. H. (Mohs) 2-3, very fragile. Specific gravity 3.59(obs.), 3.57(calc.). It occurs as radiating groups of flakes, flower-like aggregates, colloform bands, dendritic or arborescent masses composed of fine grains in the cementation zone of the supergene manganese oxide deposits of the Janggun mine, Bonghwa-gun, southeastern Korea. Associated minerals are calcite, nsutite, todorokite, and some undetermined manganese dioxide minerals. The name is for the mine, the first locality. The mineral and name were approved before publication by the Commission on New Minerals and Mineral Names, I.M.A.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.47
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• pp.241-271
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• 2017

Film color is equivalent to other elements of film, including narrative, and has a textual meaning according to the identity of expression. In general, red has a function of focusing attention, and the meaning derived from it is diffused. In the interaction of text and context, the function of concentration and the meaning of diffusion can be presented. The concept of concentration and diffusion is shaped by the relationship between independent colors, colors and other cinematic elements, and interactions between colors. In order to confirm this, this study analyzes a series of popular Korean films, how film colors interact, and in particular, the concentration function of red and the meaning of proliferation. The results of this study are as follows. First, in Korean popular films, at its most basic, red symbolizes a nation, a people, and a nation. The red of nationalism surrounding ethnicity, nationality and country visualizes ideology and conflict. The purpose of an individual or group, the relationship between the offender and the victim is mediated through red. The flag, the name tag, the costume appearing in the film are red. This can be seen in films such as Train to Busan, Assassination, Masquerade, Miracle in Cell No.7, Brotherhood of War, Northern Limit Line, Joint Security Area, Welcome to Dongmakgol, and May 18. Second, the red color attached to the female body fixes or strengthens socio-cultural sexuality and gender. The examples are films like Ode to My Father, The Thieves, The Host, Purpose Of Love, Sunny, Like A Virgin, Forbidden Quest, Untold Scandal, Bewitching Attraction, and Ssanghwajeom. Third, the blood red in Korean films is a visual device that directs magical horror, anger, and asceticism. Such films include The Neighbors, Bunshinsaba, R-Point, A Tale Of Two Sisters, Whispering Corridors, The Uninvited, Thirst, SECTOR 7, Asura:The City of Madness, The Tiger, Veteran, and so on. Fourth, red of tears constitutes the specific emotions such as a beautiful desire and a brilliant tragedy in films like King and The Clown, Oldboy, Memories of Murder, 26 Years, The Attorney, Unbowed, Sympathy For Lady Vengeance, Happy End, Punch, Calling, The Yellow Sea, and He's on Duty.