• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.55
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• pp.165-208
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• 2018

This paper will address why records management innovation needs to be considered and sought again in 2017 when Korea's new government was inaugurated, and it suggests the direction and strategies of the innovation. Now is time to inherit the innovative spirit of Roh's Participatory Government based on new methods and contents with immanent criticism. This paper proposes the innovation for the "records management by everyone," where everyone involved needs to participate in and proceed with the innovation for the sake of democracy. Not just government offices but also corporations and even ordinary people need to participate in the process of records management and share the results. Records management is necessary and required in places where democracy is practiced, where historical events occur, and where technologies are continuously innovated around the world. This paper proposes 12 strategies and 35 tasks in 6 sectors where records management is required at present. In addition, it also suggests a methodological innovation for using the latest technologies, communicating with every entity, and governing decision-making.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.49
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• pp.121-173
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• 2016

An election is a major event in a country that elects the people's representatives. Currently, Korea's electoral system has a structure that limits the exclusion of the minority's opinion. Also, it has strengthened the monopoly of major political parties. Despite the harsh conditions, Green Party Korea has proposed an alternative to prevent even the minority from being excluded by practicing direct democracy and expanding proportional representation through the institutionalization of the democratic process within the party. Election campaigns should thus reflect this orientation of Green Party Korea. The local elections and the national elections reflect Korea's political and social status and show the course over two minority parties beyond such limits. Moreover, they provide evidence of the activities of Green Party Korea. The paper analyzes how the election archives of the party hold the values of democracy, how minor parties jump to another because of the unfavorable election system, and how the archives of Green Party Korea reflect its values on the political history of Korea.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.32
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• pp.219-236
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• 2012

It is well known that records management is closely related to democracy, and the records management 'innovation' in Korea did also aim to reach democratic 'accountability' and 'governance'. Likewise, the first reason this article deals with the establishment of archival community in the East Asia is to help promote democracy and form a co-operative relations in the region through records management. Secondly, the distorted view of history easily found in the history textbooks of each countries should be corrected for the 21st East Asia in peace. Records and memories in the past are main components for the present and the future. A great many records to solve the disputes over history still remains inaccessible at large in the archives of the East Asia. A coming archival community will endeavor to disclose and share the historical records for harmonious awareness of history. Cooperation and solidarity within archival community in the East Asia featuring democratic accountability, governance and more records disclosure can be a brand-new start for peace and 'better' democracy in his region.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.52
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• pp.11-40
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• 2017

This study analyzed individual-level and country-level factors affecting justification of domestic violence amid emerging social significance of family violence. For individual-level variables, prejudice against women in economic and social roles were used from the World Value Survey data. As for country-level variables, total of 36 countries were analyzed with indices that represents gender equality such as women's employment rate and democracy index. Women's employment rate was gathered from the Labour Market Database of the World Bank and democracy index was from the Economist Intelligence Unit. Results showed that both individual-level, prejudice against women in economic and social roles and country-level variables such as women's employment rate and democracy index had significant effects on justification of domestic violence. This result implies the importance of creating positive social culture which promotes positive attitudes towards perceptions of gender role and gender equality. As well, country-level endeavors to raise gender equality in employment deem important. Based on these findings, policy implications and recommendations for future research were discussed.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.249-255
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• 2021

The Korea Democracy Foundation's archives offer its collection of records about Korean democratization movements through "Open-Archives," allowing users to read and use them conveniently. One particular article aimed to promote an overall understanding of its photo database to offer more promising services through the "Open-Archives." Similarly, many different archives hold photographic records, but they have difficulty releasing them to the public. Therefore, the present study introduced the case of Korea Democracy Foundation's project of building a photo database for Tony Chung in 2019-2020 to improve its establishment process, significance, and future tasks.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.80
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• pp.7-39
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• 2016

This essay deals with the bulk of problems of media raised by social inequality. I attempted to examine the relationship between inequality and media/information. In adopting the method of political economy based on dialectical viewpoint, I argue that collaboration among Chaebol, media, power result in the media capitalism. This mode of production has brought about the decline of public service and democracy. It led the Korean industrial capitalism to media capitalism. This mechanism is a dominant but unfair system with grasping of wealth, power, information. The media capitalism, based on profit, privatizations, power monopoly, remains democracy and public service in retreat. Chaebol-media-power complex plays an important role in cementing the establishment. We are reminded how much the dominant system has deteriorated the public interests of the media market and information.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.141-158
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• 2003

This paper examines new phenomenon and transformation that arise from the expansion of knowledge-based economy, envisions the meaning of e-government through comparing traditional administration with new governance, formulates the e-government model, and presents a direction for next e-government for the conclusion. These new phenomenon include a transformation to product and service convergence model, cyber sovereignty dilemma, privacy and information security threats, and various others. Also, there is a gradual transformation from government-oriented administrative approach to a new governance model that strengthens the role of NGO. And, e-government must work together to realize this new governance ideology. New e-government must be transformed where government and citizens can implement and manage e-government together. Therefore, expanding applications of Public Key Infrastructure (PKI) technologies, promotion of e-Democracy, and improvement of user interface to improve usability must be emphasized.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.5-37
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• 2020

In the 2000s, financial exclusion of low-income people emerged as a major social problem in South Korea. Microcredit business was first introduced by NGOs to help the poor overcome poverty while the Korean government soon chose to initiate microcredit policies to assist financially marginalized low-income people as a key policy measure to alleviate social inequality and revitalize economy. Unlike the initial expectation that state intervention in microcredit industry would be more effective, the outcome has been much less impressive. This paper aims to examine the poor performance of state-led microcredit in South Korea during the period of Lee Myung-bak administration by employing the concepts of state autonomy and capacity. It finds that the state autonomy, a key characteristic of a developmental state, was high in the sense that the funds had been raised in the face of strong resistance from private financial institutions. Lack of state capacity such as low technocratic expertise and politicization of microcredit policy, however, turned out to be a major stumbling block to the state-led microcredit in South Korea. This study shows that although the Korean government still has strong willingness to intervene in the financial market even in the face of interest groups' opposition, the eventual success of state action largely depends on its capacity to effectively implement financial policies.