• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.84-97
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• 2016

One of the assimilation policies of Japanese imperialism for the permanent domination in the colonial Joseon is the theory of integration of Japan and Joseon. The theory of integration of Japan and Joseon is a logic that Joseon (Korea) and Japan (Wae) were connected to the same ancestor on the basis of ancient myths. Also it is the assimilation ideology to justify the Colonial rule of those days through the objectification of historical identity or affinity of political and cultural relations of ancient Korean peninsula and Japan (Wae). Japan reorganized our history to meet the colonial point of view, as part of the assimilation policies based on the theory of integration of Japan and Joseon. On the other hand Japan attempted to objectify them through archaeological research and the reinterpretation of the historical remains. The survey, reinterpretation and tourist of the historic sites in historic cities such as Gyeongju and Buyeo were promoted in this context. In particular, the Buyeo, a capital of Baekje, was emphasized upon the close relevance and affinity between Sabi, Baekje and ancient Asuka (飛鳥) in Japan through research and reinterpretation on the Historic Sites. Based on them, Historic Sites Tourism was conducted by reconstructed historic sites toward the colonial Korean. In addition, after the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, Japan tried to realize the politics of space by upgrading and idealizing Buyeo as homeland or Shinto (神都) related to Japanese ancient mythology of the Asuka culture. This paper investigated in what context research, reinterpret and tourist of the historic sites progressed on Buyeo area and how it had soaked through the general public in the Japanese colonial era. First, it is on historic sites. Historic sites research on Buyeo area made an attempt by Sekino Tadashi in 1909 for the first time and the re-excavation of the old burial mounds and temple sites during the Japanese colonial period. Sekino set up a cultural relationship and influences between the ancient China (梁), Korea (百濟) and Japan (倭). Also, he emphasized that Sabi, Baekje largely received influence of Chinese culture and Baekje and Japan Asuka culture had closely relations and affinity. These views had been consistent during the Japanese colonial period. Second, it is the reinterpretation on Historic sites. Buyeo Historic Sites Preservation Society (Buyeo Gojeok Bojonhoe) was established in 1915 and Osaka Kintaro, curator of Baekje exhibition hall redefined the relationship between ancient Japan and Baekje as perspective of the assimilation ideology through the post contextual interpretation. In particular, they emphasized on the close relevance between Baekje's Historic sites and Japan, through the reinterpretation of Nakhwaam, Goransa and Cheongmasanseong. Third, it is the tourist on Historic sites. Buyeo Historic Sites Preservation Society played a leading role in Tourist on Historic sites at the Buyeo region. The main tourist destinations and course were restructured through a reinterpretation on the historic sites. Japan would like to show Buyeo as ideology area, homeland of ancient Japanese culture, toward the Koreans under Japanese colonial era. Thus, research, reinterpretation, and tourism on Historic sites were promoted while they were closely related to each other. The promoting body was Joseon Chongdokbu and pro-Japanese interest group. It's point was 'made' and 'shown' by the eyes of others and a rediscovery of Buyeo as representational space of colony.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.154-169
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• 2009

Korea is famous for a number of stone pagodas. In particular, it is noticeable that the stone pagodas came after wooden pagodas in all the Kingdoms of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla. Since the advent of wooden pagodas, it was during the latter half period of Three Kingdoms(especially, in the early Seventh century) that the first stone pagoda appeared at Mireuksa Temple site in imitation of the wooden ones. Now that no one can deny that Korean stone pagodas have developed, imitating the wooden pagodas. It is also obvious that the Stone Pagoda at Mireuksa site is the prototype of Korean stone pagodas. However, this study casts doubt on the theory that the stone pagodas in the Silla Kingdom originated not from the wooden pagodas, but from the brick pagodas, whereas the stone pagodas in Baekje Kingdom which has been said to come from the wooden ones. The fact that the temples and pagodas in both Baekje and Silla were erected by the same builders and technicians is one of the evidences supporting the assertion of the study. This study, accordingly, examines on the origin of the Silla pagodas by supposing the two genealogies. The first one can be summarized in chronological order as follows: starting from wooden pagodas, Stone Pagoda at Mireuksa site, Stone Pagoda at Jungrimsa site, Stone Pagoda at Gameunsa site, and Stone Pagoda at Goseonsa site. The second one, on the other hand, runs as follows: starting from bick pagodas, Stone Pagoda at Bunhwangsa, Uiseong Tapri five-storied Stone Pagoda, Seonsan Jukjang-ri five-storied Stone Pagoda, and Seonsan Naksan-ri three-storied Stone Pagoda in order. As the above genealogies show, the origin of the stone pagodas has been an controversy, especially because of the two different points of view: the one is that the roof-supporting strata(Okgaesuk-Bachim) originated from the brick structure and the ancient tomb ceiling of Goguryeo Kingdom, and the other is that the strata is a sort of the simplified design of the wooden roof structure. This study, however, takes note of the difference in length of the strata between the brick pagodas and the stone pagodas; the former stretches out its strata longer than the latter. Consequently, the study points out that the roof-supporting strata of the stone pagodas is originally a sort of modification of the wooden roof structure.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.55-64
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• 2022

This study aims to shed light on the cultural history of Hajodae(河趙臺) enjoyed by writers of the Joseon Dynasty by analyzing the origin and the contents of the landscape based on the literature materials of Hajodae in Yangyang(襄陽). The results of the study are as follows. First, Hajodae is a space that is said to have been visited by Ha Ryun(河崙) and Jo Jun(趙浚). However, since this story has not been confirmed in the literature, various opinions coexisted in history. Jo Wi-Han(趙緯韓) quoted the opinions of aged people who lived in Yangyang, saying that it could be Jo In-Byeok(趙仁壁), not Jo Jun(趙浚), and Jo Deok-Rin(趙德鄰) recorded it as "遐眺臺", which means "a stand for a distance view." There is a need to clearly present the origin of Hajodae by revealing the literary authority. Second, Hajodae was talked about as the best scenic site in Gwandong(關東) in the middle of the Joseon Dynasty. during the mid-Joseon Dynasty. The writers of the time mentioned Hajodae as one of the best scenic sites in Gwandong, which soon became a symbol of Yangyang. These records of Hajodae show a relatively decreasing trend entering the late Joseon Dynasty. It is believed to be the result of the slight degrading in the status of Hajodae as the Eight Views of Gwandong were established and Naksansa Temple(洛山寺) gained fame. Third, the writers of Joseon enjoyed the scenic sites through various landscapes of Hajodae. The open terrain on three sides allowed a sea view and provided an opportunity to develop a great spirit or to reflect on oneself. On the other hand, the strange rock formations and cliffs, which correspond to a close-up view, drew the attention of tourists, and the Rosa rugosa Thunb. blooming in the Hajodae area was enough to show a bizarre charm. This shows the various charms of Hajodae, suggesting that the management of such landscape is necessary. Fourth, a Chinese poem about Hajodae shows the spatial meaning of Hajodae. Looking into all sides of the Chinese poem about Hajodae, a case of unburdening one's mind on the landscape, and the aspect a person compared oneself to the natural landscape or projected one's consciousness onto it, and a case of recalling Ha Ryun and Jo Jun, illustrious retainers in the early Joseon Dynasty are confirmed. It can be seen that it results in the aspect of expressing one's impressions and looking back on history through the landscape.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.17-33
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• 2024

This study suggests management planning of Bonguisan Neighborhood Park located on the central of Chuncheon city and highly used for citizen's rest and leisure space utilizing its vegetation structure feature. Bonguisan has been the central of the chuncheon since the period of the Three states in Korean history and consistently damaged, especially in present era, an isolation and sererance of its ecosystem has deepen for indiscreet urban development. The percentage of actual vegetation of Boinguisan Neighborhood Park is as follows: Quercus mongolica is 28.5%, Quercus mongolica - Quercus serrata is 2.1%, Pinus densiflora is 15.6%, Pinus densiflora - Quercus mongolica is 15.9%, Betula schmidtii is 1.6%, Robinia pseudoacacia is 5.9%, Pinus koraiensis is 1.6%. Quercus mongolica is distributed on the southwest, northwest, southeast side of region, Pinus densiflora is distributed on the ridge of east and southeast side of region, Betula schmidtii is distributed on the valley of northeast side region and steep slope region which is on the north side of chungwonsa temple. Pinus densiflora community (Comm. I) and Quercus acutissima - Robinia pseudoacacia community (Comm. V) is expected to undergo succession since it's categorized as Quercus spp. and Quercus mongolica community (Comm. II) and Quercus serrata-Quercus mongolica community (Comm. III), Betula schmidtii community (Comm. IV), Pinus koraiensis community (Comm. VI) is expected to maintain. Also for target vegetation and management planning, Vegetation of Bonguisan Neighborhood Park is classified as 1st Natural landscape conservation and improvement type, 2nd Ecological succession type, 3rd Unusual community conservation type, and 4th Recreation and experience type. And we suggested ecological management measure about each management types. For efficient management of Bonguisan Neighborhood Park, it is need to unify management system of it and after designating Pinus densiflora community and Betula schmidtii community which has high ecological preservation value as an ecological landscape protected area and manage it.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.145-186
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• 2015

This thesis discusses and analyzes Jeju island's shamanistic myth "Samgong Bonpoori" from the perspective of analytical psychology. Similar to the "I live on my fortune"-type folktales discovered in the Korean mainland, "Samgong Bonpoori" is such a widespread myth that similar folktales are found not only in East Asian regions, including Korea, Japan, and China, but also in Ireland. The essence of the story is as follows; One day, a father asked his three daughters whose fortune they lived on. The first two daughters claimed that they owe their lives to their parents. However, the youngest daughter, Gameunjang-agi, replied, against his expectation, that "I live on my own fortune," and showed her fortune and virtue were physically embodied in the line drawn from her genitals to navel. Her answer enrages his father so fiercely that she was expelled and forced to embark on a journey with no one but a black cow carrying food to accompany her. In retaliation for telling lies against her, Gameunjang-agi transformed her two sisters into a centipede and a mushroom, while her parents were turned into beggars afflicted with blindness. Afterward, Gameunjang-agi wandered around the country and eventually found love with a Chinese yam digger. Not long after, they got married, and as a couple, they stumbled upon roots of gold in fields, which brought them an incredible amount of wealth. After this miracle has happened, Gameunjang-agi began to wonder about the status of her parents and decided to organize a party for all the beggars and the blinds in the country. She eventually found her parents and got a chance to reconcile with her sisters. The story ends with her parents regaining their eyesight and Gameunjang-agi reestablishing herself as the "Goddess of Providence." "Samgong Bonpoori" is a myth about a God. A God is ontologically a supremely perfect being; however, in this thesis, it will be discussed as a part of a folktale. Gameunjang-agi can be seen as the anima archetype of the father, which reveals the process of a paternal consciousness being transformed over time. At first, her parents deny Gameunjang-agi. However, after years of suffering from blindness, they regain their eyesight and finally recognize their daughter. This signifies that Gameunjang-agi is a being that has come into the world for a certain "purpose." Gameunjang-agi embodies the creative function of "femininity" that can renew the existing collective consciousness embedded in the patriarchal system. Such recognition of femininity matters to men to a great degree as well as to women. Without knowing their true nature (femininity), the two sisters submit themselves to their parents and conventional values. Not until they suffer from being transformed and captured into small and insignificant beings, a centipede and a mushroom, which symbolize their shadow, they fail to develop their self-awareness. Meanwhile, by reconciling with her parents and sisters--playing a significant role in reuniting the family--Gameunjang-agi turns out to be a figure that can reveal what it truly means to have self-awareness and achieve Self-realization. In conclusion, this story illustrates that recognition of femininity matters to men to a great degree as well as to women, and women's Self-realization plays a critical role in revitalizing the collective consciousness embedded in the patriarchal system.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.11-31
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• 2019

Taking the painting, 「Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain」 as the study object, which was produced in the middle of Qing Dinasty and collected by the British Library, this paper analyzes the scenery names recorded in the painting, and describes the landscape of the mountain, port and ships, architectural elements, civil elements, character, stone inscription and other scenery in the painting. The investigation results of the cultural landscape properties of each Gok are as follows: According to statistics, there are 28 architectural elements in the painting, including 7 pavilions (25%), 4 temples (14.3%), 3 Colleges and Taoist temple (10.7%), 2 Dowon(道院) and villages (7.1%); 29 civil elements, including 9 holes (31%), 6 Historical Sites (20.7%), 3 Stations(臺) (10.3%), 2 Ferries, 2 Bridges, and 2 Ponds (6.9%), 1 Garden, 1 Gate, 1 Mine(坑), 1 Well and 1 Remains(3.4%). These physical factors and civil factors are the important relics reflected the cultural landscape attributes of Wuyi-Gugok in the middle of the 18th century. Among the shape element in each Gok, the 1^st Gok have 12 shape elements(21.1%), the 5^th Gok 11(19.3%), the 4^th Gok 9(15.8%), the 9^th Gok 8(14%), the 3^rd Gok 7(12.3%), the 6^th Gok 4(7%), the 2^nd Gok 3(5.3%), the 7^th Gok 2(3.5%), and the 8^th Gok 1(2%). Through collation, it is found that the 1^st Gok, 5^th Gok and 4^th Gok have more prominent cultural landscape characteristics. In addition, according to the description of scenic spot types in 『Muisanji(武夷山志)』, there are 38 types of scenery description in the painting, of which, the three scenery of big rock, peak, small rock occupy the vast majority. This reflects the Danxia(丹霞) landform characteristics of Wuyi-Gugok. The cultural connotation of Wuyi Mountain expressed and contained in the painting is analyzed and interpreted, and it is found that the Jiuqu(九曲) River in the Wuyi Mountain has Neo-confucianism culture, Taoism culture, Buddhism culture, Tea culture and so on. In addition, among the 171 scenery names shown in the painting, there are altogether 7 stone inscriptions that are consistent with or have the same meaning as the rock inscriptions site, including 3 for inscriptions praising the landscape, 3 for philosophical inscription and 1 for auspicious language inscription, which is considered as the important basis for the mutual textuality between the pictures and the stone inscriptions.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.2
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• pp.103-114
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• 2015

UNESCO and IUCN established the term of 'Sacred Natural Sites' (areas of land or water having special spiritual significance to peoples and communities) for conservation of biological and cultural diversity. Dangsan forest, a traditional village forests of rural Korea is a representative 'Sacred Natural Site' with a history of more than several hundred years of Dangsan ritual. The Chungmak village, Gyeokpo-ri, Buan-gun is a small seashore village. It is an important place that has the largest ancient maritime ritual sites in Korea. Buan-gun have been tried to register the 'Chungmak-dong Ritual Site' for the World Heritage List. However, the fact that this 'Chungmak-dong Ritual Site'(5~6 century, Baekje of the Three-kingdom period) was located in the Dangsan forest, surrounding the shrine, is not much understood. In this study, the landscape characteristics and culture of the sacred Dangsan forest at Gyeokpo-ri, including Gyeokpo-ri, Dae-ri, Naesosa temple Seokpo-ri, Buan-gun and Dongho-ri, Gochang-gun were investigated. And, the potential of registering for World Heritage, 'Protected Area of Sacred Natural Sites' by linking the four site's Dangsan forests has been investigated. The sacred Dangsan forests in the neighborhood of Gyeokpo-ri have kept their landscape characteristics and retained Dangsan ritual. As a result of SWOT analysis for sacred natural sites, WT(weakness-threat) strategy has chosen as priority strategy. The reason is that there is few management scheme. The Dangsan forests at the neighborhood of Gyeokpo-ri need to be recognized by people in Korea, for their valuable landscape characteristics. The places should be managed and protected to remain as a sacred natural sites in order to be prepared for a World Heritage.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.35
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• pp.45-66
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• 1997

This thesis is a study on the kaftan styles iin Asia. The purpose of he study was to examine the origin o the kaftan concentrating on the history and cultural backgrounds of nomads in he Western Central and North Eastern Asia. Secondly for more thorough study and expla-nation on how these kaftans contributed to East-West trade along the silk road. wall paintings and miniature illuminations along Oasis roads persia and Saracen period were compared, Also real kaftans were compared and analyzed the characteristics of Western (Turkey palestine) Central(Kazakistan Uz-bekistan Tadzhistan Qyrgyztan Turkmenistan) and the North Eastern Asian(Mongol) area. Thirdly an attempt has been made to provide the North Eastern Asian(Mongol) area. Thirdly an attempt has been made to provide the style classifications according to their peculiarities of the various kaftans as well as how kaftan gave important influences on custumes of different religious sects. The kaftan is a long coat-like garment with front openings fastened with long sash having an extra long sleeves which were worn by middle and high class nomadics throughout the West Central and North Eastern Asia This type of kaftans were a basic clothing for nomadics since they were constantly moving fromone to another areas on their horse back riding. They also wore tight trousers with boots. Kaftans seem to be originated from nomads of Steppe around B.C. 800 On B. C 400 west asian areas such as Solokha Kul-oba Kulogan had pictures sculptues on vases showing kaftans of half coat type length with front opening tied with band. Also the materials used were the products of animals such as wool or felt with animal designs showing Scythian nomads. In the North Eastern Asia Hsiung-Nu were active in Kazakha North Altai and Mongol The Clothing and fabrics exfavated near Noin-ula Pazyrik showed many samples of kaftan with trousers with other interment be-longings with a corpse around B.C 300 to A. D 100 when trades along the silk roads were proven by many historians Kaftans excavated in this area wore red front opening silk materials which suggesting settling down of nomads. in he central Asia Dol-gull near Altai mountain area were mainly miners who later had many trades with Persia and Bizantine. After Dol-gull Bezeklik temple Samarkant Kizil cow Budda sculture wall paintings of Astana tomb showed typical kaftan of this re-gion. These were both hip covered length as well as long coat with narrow sleeves. Es-pecially they had different color band fron the main kaftan with grogeously and splendously designed silk. In perusia during A. D 1400 to 1600 minia-ture illumination showed kaftan as a high class symbol more than clothing purpose. They had best quality silk with extra long sleeves draping and had a layers of kaftans one on top of anther as a symbol of wealth These Kaftans with different colors and designs were even more beautiful with their effective combinations and contrast of colors. On the other hand the lower class common people and servants wore simple kaftan with the front part of the kaftan were slipped into the belt in order to be more active and con-venient to work, The real kaftans discovered at Topkapi Saray palace of Turkey from A. D 1300 to 1900 were also compared. These kaftans were very numerous in numbers as well as designs The materials and designs used were also vari-ous such as Chinese to Italian silk. The shaped and pattern itself were not much different from the previous nomad's Kaftans. The Palestian kaftans remained were from the beginning of 19th and 20th century. Since this area is hot and dry desert they used black and navy blue colors mostly in order to exclude the sun lights. The patterns used were similar to Nomads and Bedouin with cross stiches and patch work decorations. In the central Asia they had similar life style and natural environmental cnditions with Turkish tribe which resulted in similar kaftan styles as nomads. Mongols conserved basic patterns of kaftan since Cinggis Khan with deep folding in order to keep warm. At last the kaftans studided in this thesis were classified in to four such as half coat long coat jacket and vest style. A pattern used in the Central Asia were zigzag and ani-mal design whereas in the West Asia were floral plant arabesk and circle pattern. As I discussed previously kaftan styles of nomads in the Asia maintained its basic pat-tern throughout the history except slight changes in color gusset sleeve shapes. These slight changes were made according to the need to adapt the need of environmental natu-ral conditions, The reason for aboriginality of kaftan in Asia was its simplicity and con-venience Most interesting fact is that for all these years Mongols are still wearing kaftan in their life ensuring us that they art the preserves of old kaftan. Since this thesis dealt enormous Asian regions I had a limitation of not being able to cover the Far Esatern asian areas such as Korea China and Japan how these kaftans were influenced in their clothing history as well as Eastern and Western culture. This topic along with the studies on materials and designs of patterns of kaftan will be another research project in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.183-192
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to verify the relation between vegetarian diet and the risk factors of cardiovascular disease. To do the present study the vegetarians were selected; 127 Buddhist nuns (age : 23 ~ 79 yrs) from Oonmoon Temple in Choungdo District, Gyeongsang Book-do. For control subjects, 235 healthy female adults (age : 23~79yrs) were selected. They were the teachers, the nurses of the hospital of Gyeongsang National University and the housekeepers living in Chinju Gyeongsang Nam-do. This study was conducted from October 1996 to February 1997. The contents are consisted of anthropometric measurement, questionnaries about eating behavior and intake frequency of food group and clinical examination. The results were summarized as follows. The average ages of vegetarians and non-vegetarians were 44.2 yrs and 40.5 yrs respectively. Average body mass index (BMI) of vegetarians and non-vegetarians were 22.4 and 21.0, WHR were 0.8 and 0.8, percentage of body fat were 28.7 and 26.5 and the average duration of vegetarian diet of the vegetarians was 13.1 years. Eating behavior score of vegetarian was significantly higher than those of non-vegetarians. Eating behavior score was negatively of correlated with levels of serum total-cholesterol, LDL-cholesterol and atherogenic index (AI). In intake frequency of green vegetable, lemon-yellow vegetable, bumb and seaweeds of the vegetarians more than those of non-vegetarians. Levels of total cholesterol, LDL-cholesterol, AI, diastolic blood pressure, blood sugar and HDL cholesterol of non-vegetarians were significantly higher (p<0.01) than those of vegetarians, but ratio of HDL cholesterol/total-cholesterol was lower in non-vegetarians. Consequently, vegetable diet can be considerably diet help to decrease the risk of cardiovascular disease.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.46-64
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• 1994

Among every civilized people salt has been recognized as an essential foodstuff to the human society without which even man's survivor is unthinkable. The cultural-anthropological meaning of salt is estimated highly as well, and in geographical perspective salt itself symbolize regional interrelationship. Playing a decisive role in freeing innermost settlement from isolation, salt aiso made a contribution to expanding human habitats. This study tries to reconstruct historica geography of 18th and 19th century surrounding traditional salt-roasting (chayeom). The Joolpo Inlet area which is located on the mid-western coast in Honem Region is selected for study area. Established on the basis of optimum physical geographical conditions such as topography, climate and vegetation, salt-making of Joolpo Inlet area was run dynamically with the sudden turn of events in the 18-19th century which was chacterized as an age of transition from medieval society to modern one. In this paper the writer attempts to clarify mainly following three points: physical conditions and socio-economic background leading to the initiation and later development of roasting of salt in Joolpo Bay; distribution of saltworks; methods of saltmaking. Main points drawn from these analyses can be summarized as follows: of iron pan and cow-drawn tools rendered labour-saving and output growth. 1, Saltworks of Joolpo Inlet area in the 18-19th century were distributed evenly over Kobu, Puan, Mujang and Heungduck counties among which Kobu's was located in Puanmyon - a sort of exclave. All saltworks belonging to above four counties were clasified as most lucrative ones in Honam Region on government archives. In particular, Gumdang saltwork which belongs to Mujang county is noteworthy in that it was first introduced by one Paekje priest in 6th century and therefore it provides a clue to examine the history of salt-roasting of Joolpo Inlet area. In light of the fact that temple or monastery economy, regardless of East and West, has been closely connected with traditional industry, the case of Gumdang is not unusual. 2. The process of saltmaking follows this order: harrowing of salt field exposed to solar heat; construction of saltern mound with saline earth; acquiring of brine by leaching saline earth; roasting of salt. Salterns (saltworks) are consisted with various salt making facilities such as roasting shed, saltern mound, salt field, salt well) salt pit or brine pit) and seawater reservoir. Among them roasting shed which is constructed chiefly with hundreds of pieces of pine tree as a frame and with straw as roof and wall is customarily considered as an unit of saltwork. And inside it is saltpan made of two kinds of materials, that is iron pan or plaster pan. The area attached to one unit of roasting shed is approximately 1 ha, and that of saltern mound is a tenth of it.