• 한국과 국제사회
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• 제3권1호
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

1987년 민주화운동 이후 한국정치는 김영삼, 김대중, 김종필에 의한 3김정치로 전환기를 맞았다. 한국정치는 3김정치 이전에는 1인에 의한 장기집권에 지속되었으나 3김정치에서는 정당통합과 정당연합을 통해 평화적인 정권교체가 가능하게 하였다. 3김정치에 대한 평가는 긍정적인 측면과 부정적인 측면이 공존한다. 3김정치에 대한 정치적 효과는 정당구도의 다양화와 정권교체의 안정화이다. 3김정치는 한국의 정당구도를 양당체제에서 다당체제로 변화시켰으며, 3당합당과 DJP연합 등 후보단일화를 통해 평화적 정권교체를 가능하게 하였다. 하지만 3김정치에 대한 정치적 왜곡은 정당의 단명화와 정치이념의 편중화이다. 3김정치는 3김의 전략적 판단에 따라 정당해체, 재창당, 정당통합 등으로 정당의 수명이 매우 짧았으며, 보수성향과 진보성향이 3김정치와 결부되어 지역적으로 정치이념의 편중화 현상을 강화하였다. 따라서 3김정치가 한국정치에서 차지하는 비중이 매우 높기 때문에 3김정치로 인한 정치적 왜곡은 한국정치를 위해 극복해야 한다.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국사회복지학회 2005년도 춘계학술대회자료집
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• pp.651-673
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• 2005

Political participation consciousness of social worker is changed and politics participation activity is putting forth with a bud. Currently, the systematic and scientific approach in study of social worker's the political participation is short. This study analyzes the present situation of political participation action and will present political participation action contents and direction in the future. This study may give practical meaning to the social welfare practice and educational scope about what we must do to become a political influence the group. The object of this study is 1229 people in choosing social welfare politics participation investigation committee data. A participation of Korean social worker appeared that a meeting or a demonstration is high when comparing the United States. Also, electioneers, and, government bureaucrat contact, financial contributions is a half experience. The strong variable in explaining social worker's the political participation was a politics efficacy, politics interest. Political efficacy and politics interest, a joining and a political behavior proposal of an association is a influenced factor. Through this result The Civic Volunteer Model is a theory to able to explain social worker's the political participation. Approach growing the political efficacy and politics interest is very important in activating politics participation. Role of a social welfare association or a group was important in order to induce politics participation and concentrate.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제29권1호
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• pp.65-76
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• 2016

Objectives : Generally, pulsation is influenced by climate change in the realms of nature. However, there is a theory explaining a phenomenon in which the pulse gets weaker and even absent for no reason, without affected by diseases; this is the Theory of South and North Politics with which medical practitioners need to be familiar when taking the pulse of patients. Methods : The researcher considered all the previous annotations and the original text of SuWen (素問) ZhiZhenYaoDaLun(至眞要大論). Results : In Five Elements' Evolutions, JiaJi(甲己) becomes Tu(土), which turns itself into the king, an honorable duty. JiaJi is a period of South Politics because it looks south to give an order while the rest eight years is a period of North Politics because they are headed north to receive an order. Conclusions : Since South Politics years look south as a standard, Cun(寸) is located at the south and Chi(尺) is at the north. Controlling the Heaven energy(司天) is located at the south and Effecting the Earth energy(在泉) is at the north. Therefore, if Sanyin is Controlling the Heaven energy(三陰司天), the Cun pulse is absent; if Shaoyin is Controlling the Heaven energy(少陰司天), Cun pulses on both wrists are not felt; if Jueyin is Controlling the Heaven energy(厥陰司天), the Cun pulse on the right wrist disappears; if Taiyin is Controlling the Heaven energy(太陰司天), the Cun pulse on the left wrist is not felt. In the case of Chi, if Sanyin is Effecting the Earth energy(三陰在泉), the Chi pulse is absent; if Shaoyin is Effecting the Earth energy(少陰在泉), Chi pulses on both wrists are not felt; if Jueyin is Effecting the Earth energy(厥陰在泉), the Chi pulse on the right wrist disappears; if Taiyin is Effecting the Earth energy(太陰在泉), the Chi pulse on the left wrist is not felt. North Politics years appears conversely as compared with South Politics years.

• 보건행정학회지
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• 제23권3호
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• pp.244-259
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• 2013

This study investigates the moderation effect that organizational trust had on the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and organizational commitment, intention to turnover, organizational citizenship behavior by analyzing the empirical data of 716 personnels collected from university hospital in Korea. We hypothesized that perceptions of organizational politics would tended to negatively related to a high level of organizational commitment and intention to turnover, organizational citizenship behaviors, and that organizational trust would moderate the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and outcomes. These results suggest that organizational politics of perceptions had negative impacts on organizational commitment and organizational citizenship behaviors, while perceptions of organizational politics had positive impact on intention to turnover. Furthermore, the level of organizational trust moderated the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and outcomes. Based on these findings, implications of the research findings are discussed, and recommendation for future research and practice are provided.

• 미술이론과 현장
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• 제16호
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• pp.257-272
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• 2013

This paper analyzes six different ways of articulating the relationship between art and politics. It calls attention to the differences that lurk behind the seemingly simple phrase-everywhere in vogue today-the "politics of aesthetics." Five of these models are drawn from contemporary discussions regarding the politics of art. The last model is the attempt to develop an account of the politics of aesthetics that is faithful to the difficult and ambiguous dimensions of the aesthetic experience that were hinted at by the texts of classical philosophical aesthetics. Most notably, this paper is concerned with the idea that the aesthetic experience can be understood as a form of disinterested contemplation-one that is not reducible to cognitive or moral considerations-and with some of the consequences that this entails. It explores some of the political significance that can be attributed to this idea of disinterested contemplation, arguing that the aesthetic should be understood as a withdrawal from the world's pre-established meanings. Unlike some of the other thinkers discussed in this paper, this author doubts that a single, uniform meaning can be ascribed to the aesthetic experience. I thus argue that we need to approach the aesthetic through the networks of textual significance that have been built up around it. Throughout this paper, I attempt to explain how the efforts to link art and aesthetics to politics simultaneously give rise to ideas about the nature of the human community. In looking at the sixth and final model, what I have called the "anarchical politics of aesthetic ambiguity," I argue that the aesthetic tradition offers a rather unique way of understanding the relationship between the individual and the community. Here, we see that the aesthetic is prone to a number of paradoxes, central among them the one that makes art the bearer of a solipsistic pleasure in which we nevertheless discover our capacity for genuinely communicating with others, outside of cliches and banalities.

• 철학연구
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• 제126권
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• pp.53-78
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• 2013

메를로-퐁티의 정치 사상은 서구 마르크시즘 또는 실존 현상학적 휴머니즘으로 알려져 있다. 이러한 메를로-퐁티의 정치 이론을 신체의 관점에서 구체적으로 살펴보고자 한다. 우리는 2장에서 전통 정치의 주체성 이해를 비판적으로 검토하고 3장에서 메를로-퐁티가 대안으로 제시하는 새로운 주체성을 해명하고 4장에서 이를 토대로 정치에 대해 육화 또는 살의 관점에서 접근하며 5장에서 정치적 주제로서 폭력을 규명한 뒤 6장에서 결론적 평가로 마무리한다. 이러한 논의 과정에서 정치 세계를 보는 법을 새롭게 배울 수 있기를 기대한다.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• 산학경영연구
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.61-81
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• 2005

본 연구는 조직구성원 개인의 정치지각에 초점을 맞추어 조직내 정치행위에 대한 구성원의 인식이 직무태도와 어떠한 관련성을 갖고 있는지를 실증분석함으로써 조직정치 현상에 대한 이해의 폭을 넓히는데 목적을 두고 있다. 이를 위해 조직정치에 대한 선행연구들을 토대로 연구모델 및 가설을 도출하였으며, 전국 51개 육군 부대에 근무하는 초급간부 이상을 대상으로 실증분석을 하였다. 분석결과 구성원들의 조직내 정치행위에 대한 지각은 직무만족, 조직몰입, 조직시민행동에 부적(-)인 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 또한 상사에 대한 신뢰는 조직정치지각과 조직시민행동간의 관계에 있어서 조절효과가 있는 것으로 확인되었으며, 끝으로 본 연구의 시사점과 향후 연구방향을 제시하였다.

• 대한지리학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한지리학회 2006년도 연례 학술대회
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• pp.37-38
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• 2006

• 패션비즈니스
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• 제16권5호
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• pp.88-105
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of popular culture in fashion politics phenomenon of leader. As study methods the literature study concerning fashion phenomenon and nature of popular culture were used for theoretical background and visual data from magazine, news paper, and internet were used for exploratory study. The results of this study are as follows. First, fashion politics phenomenon of leader in fashion merchandising through the marketing strategy is characterized as commercial profit. These characteristics enable the fashion industry and popular culture affect the formation to provide opportunity. Second, the fashion politics phenomenon of leader projected through mass media are the fashion icons and strong role models that are copied by consumers, conformity the popular, set a powerful fashion trend. The conformity by the mechanism of the interaction of the public will contribute to the formation of popular culture. Third, Semotics symbolism expressed in the fashion politics phenomenon of the leader, the intended message is communicated to the public by creating a positive image. Positive image of the leader of the public support and acceptance is the power to create.