• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2019

After the democratization movement in 1987, korean politics was transformed into three kim's politics by y Kim Yeong-sam, Kim Dae-jung and Kim Jong-pil. Before the time of three kim's politics, korean politics lasted for one long term, but three kim's politics made possible the peaceful regime change through political party integration and party coalition. The evaluation of three kim's politics coexist both positive and negative. The Positive political effects are diversification of political party composition and stabilization of regime change. Three kim's politics transformed the political party composition of Korea from a two-party system to a multi-party system, made possible a peaceful regime change through the unification of three parties and the DJP coalition. However, the negative political distortions of three kim's politics are the shortening of political parties and the concentration of political ideology. In three kim's politics, political party in Korea has a very short life due to the creation of political parties, the dissolution of political parties, the reorganization of political parties and the integration of political parties. Conservatism and progressive tendencies related three kim's politics were stabilized through Yeongnam region and Honam region. Therefore, three kim's politics means that the proportion of Korean politics is very high. Political effects and distortions derived from three kim's politics have become a challenge for Korean politics to overcome.

• 한국사회복지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2005.04a
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• pp.651-673
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• 2005

Political participation consciousness of social worker is changed and politics participation activity is putting forth with a bud. Currently, the systematic and scientific approach in study of social worker's the political participation is short. This study analyzes the present situation of political participation action and will present political participation action contents and direction in the future. This study may give practical meaning to the social welfare practice and educational scope about what we must do to become a political influence the group. The object of this study is 1229 people in choosing social welfare politics participation investigation committee data. A participation of Korean social worker appeared that a meeting or a demonstration is high when comparing the United States. Also, electioneers, and, government bureaucrat contact, financial contributions is a half experience. The strong variable in explaining social worker's the political participation was a politics efficacy, politics interest. Political efficacy and politics interest, a joining and a political behavior proposal of an association is a influenced factor. Through this result The Civic Volunteer Model is a theory to able to explain social worker's the political participation. Approach growing the political efficacy and politics interest is very important in activating politics participation. Role of a social welfare association or a group was important in order to induce politics participation and concentrate.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.65-76
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• 2016

Objectives : Generally, pulsation is influenced by climate change in the realms of nature. However, there is a theory explaining a phenomenon in which the pulse gets weaker and even absent for no reason, without affected by diseases; this is the Theory of South and North Politics with which medical practitioners need to be familiar when taking the pulse of patients. Methods : The researcher considered all the previous annotations and the original text of SuWen (素問) ZhiZhenYaoDaLun(至眞要大論). Results : In Five Elements' Evolutions, JiaJi(甲己) becomes Tu(土), which turns itself into the king, an honorable duty. JiaJi is a period of South Politics because it looks south to give an order while the rest eight years is a period of North Politics because they are headed north to receive an order. Conclusions : Since South Politics years look south as a standard, Cun(寸) is located at the south and Chi(尺) is at the north. Controlling the Heaven energy(司天) is located at the south and Effecting the Earth energy(在泉) is at the north. Therefore, if Sanyin is Controlling the Heaven energy(三陰司天), the Cun pulse is absent; if Shaoyin is Controlling the Heaven energy(少陰司天), Cun pulses on both wrists are not felt; if Jueyin is Controlling the Heaven energy(厥陰司天), the Cun pulse on the right wrist disappears; if Taiyin is Controlling the Heaven energy(太陰司天), the Cun pulse on the left wrist is not felt. In the case of Chi, if Sanyin is Effecting the Earth energy(三陰在泉), the Chi pulse is absent; if Shaoyin is Effecting the Earth energy(少陰在泉), Chi pulses on both wrists are not felt; if Jueyin is Effecting the Earth energy(厥陰在泉), the Chi pulse on the right wrist disappears; if Taiyin is Effecting the Earth energy(太陰在泉), the Chi pulse on the left wrist is not felt. North Politics years appears conversely as compared with South Politics years.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.244-259
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• 2013

This study investigates the moderation effect that organizational trust had on the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and organizational commitment, intention to turnover, organizational citizenship behavior by analyzing the empirical data of 716 personnels collected from university hospital in Korea. We hypothesized that perceptions of organizational politics would tended to negatively related to a high level of organizational commitment and intention to turnover, organizational citizenship behaviors, and that organizational trust would moderate the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and outcomes. These results suggest that organizational politics of perceptions had negative impacts on organizational commitment and organizational citizenship behaviors, while perceptions of organizational politics had positive impact on intention to turnover. Furthermore, the level of organizational trust moderated the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and outcomes. Based on these findings, implications of the research findings are discussed, and recommendation for future research and practice are provided.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.16
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• pp.257-272
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• 2013

This paper analyzes six different ways of articulating the relationship between art and politics. It calls attention to the differences that lurk behind the seemingly simple phrase-everywhere in vogue today-the "politics of aesthetics." Five of these models are drawn from contemporary discussions regarding the politics of art. The last model is the attempt to develop an account of the politics of aesthetics that is faithful to the difficult and ambiguous dimensions of the aesthetic experience that were hinted at by the texts of classical philosophical aesthetics. Most notably, this paper is concerned with the idea that the aesthetic experience can be understood as a form of disinterested contemplation-one that is not reducible to cognitive or moral considerations-and with some of the consequences that this entails. It explores some of the political significance that can be attributed to this idea of disinterested contemplation, arguing that the aesthetic should be understood as a withdrawal from the world's pre-established meanings. Unlike some of the other thinkers discussed in this paper, this author doubts that a single, uniform meaning can be ascribed to the aesthetic experience. I thus argue that we need to approach the aesthetic through the networks of textual significance that have been built up around it. Throughout this paper, I attempt to explain how the efforts to link art and aesthetics to politics simultaneously give rise to ideas about the nature of the human community. In looking at the sixth and final model, what I have called the "anarchical politics of aesthetic ambiguity," I argue that the aesthetic tradition offers a rather unique way of understanding the relationship between the individual and the community. Here, we see that the aesthetic is prone to a number of paradoxes, central among them the one that makes art the bearer of a solipsistic pleasure in which we nevertheless discover our capacity for genuinely communicating with others, outside of cliches and banalities.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.126
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• pp.53-78
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• 2013

It is generally accepted that the political philosophy of Merleau-Ponty is called western Marxism or existential phenomenological humanism. I would like to examine and orientate his political theory in detail in terms of embodiment. In what follows, I criticize its own conception of subjectivity as a philosophical basis of traditional politics from perspective of Merleau-Ponty's bodily phenomenology. In turn, alternatively I discuss Merleau-Ponty's basic idea of subjectivity. By drawing on his unique clarification of it, I approach and appreciate politics through the flesh. With the result of it, the embodiment of violence which is the permanent problem of politics is explained and disclosed distinctively. In conclusion, I might suggest what could be implicit in Merleau-Ponty's politics of flesh for Korean contemporary political issue i. I hope you relearn how to see political life in this paper.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-56
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• 2009

It is generally acknowledged that Philippines politics has achieved a basic soil for democracy at the macro-level by the two incidents of 'People Power' (1986 & 2001). However, in spite of such an achievement, Philippine politics at the micro-level, does not enjoy the same reputation. Institutionalized 'Bossism' or 'patron/clientelism' political culture has been attributed to make such a gap. This paper aims to bridge the gap by a longitudinal observation on local politics of a particular province in the Philippines. Surigao del Norte is the province picked up for the study. The reason why this particular province attracts special concerns is that there appears to come a very dynamic local politics, led by an indigenous Christian organization, the PBMA (Philippines Benevolent Missionary Association), which was founded in the mid 1960s. With the coming of the organization in the province, the political power of the traditional families has been narrowed. On the other hand, new families, not only the leader family of the PBMA but also the family allied with the PBMA, has expanded political influence. Following steps are adopted to understand the meaning of such a change. First, institutional frame of Philippine politics and elections will be reviewed. Second, demographic changes will be investigated on Surigao del Norte province to find out how popular the PBMA organization is among the people. Third, local election outcomes will be examined to describe the changing nature of political landscape of the province. This will reveal how the relationship between the old and new families has been developed in the province. Lastly, based on the facts discovered by a longitudinal observation, an attempt to evaluate theories on Philippines politics will be made Conclusions are as follows. To understand the dynamics of Philippine politics, 'expectations from the below,' or, 'passions of the people,' suggested by Ileto, needs more attention. Furthermore, 'mutual accommodation' between domination and resistance, coined by Abinales, also demands more appreciation. The case of local politics in the Surigao del Norte, with the coming of the PBMA, is sure to show a concrete example of changing politics in the 'changeless land.'

• Korean Business Review
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.61-81
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• 2005

As to the research method for this study, it examines the conceptional understanding of organizational politics along with existing theories, prior research and prior models on the perception of organizational politics. Empirical analysis concerning the six hypothesis of the research, is carried out based upon returned questionnaires. The subjects of the survey were more than sergeant executive of 51 units R.O.K Army. Out of the 350 copies of the questionnaire, 323 copies were returned of which 294 were used for analysis. Results indicated that perceptions of organizational politics were negatively related to job attitudes(eg. job satisfaction, organizational commitment, organizational citizenship behavior). The relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and organizational citizenship behavior was moderated by trust in supervisor. Finally, implications and future research suggestions are discussed.

• Proceedings of the KGS Conference
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• 2006.06a
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• pp.37-38
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• 2006

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.16 no.5
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• pp.88-105
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to examine the influence of popular culture in fashion politics phenomenon of leader. As study methods the literature study concerning fashion phenomenon and nature of popular culture were used for theoretical background and visual data from magazine, news paper, and internet were used for exploratory study. The results of this study are as follows. First, fashion politics phenomenon of leader in fashion merchandising through the marketing strategy is characterized as commercial profit. These characteristics enable the fashion industry and popular culture affect the formation to provide opportunity. Second, the fashion politics phenomenon of leader projected through mass media are the fashion icons and strong role models that are copied by consumers, conformity the popular, set a powerful fashion trend. The conformity by the mechanism of the interaction of the public will contribute to the formation of popular culture. Third, Semotics symbolism expressed in the fashion politics phenomenon of the leader, the intended message is communicated to the public by creating a positive image. Positive image of the leader of the public support and acceptance is the power to create.