• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.137
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• pp.193-223
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• 2016

This research examines the recognition of nature as identified by Zhuangzi through the man of truth. Zhuangzi defines inactivity as an act of nature and personifies it as the man of truth, a holy man who achieves salvation. It is the stage that is united with nature by breaking out of secular restriction and achieving the absolute liberal spirit. The man of truth is the origin enabling all the acts of nature. And since the existence of all living things is connected, the change of life and death complies with the operation of nature. It is an irresistible destiny for all human beings. Therefore, the duty of nature recognizes the life and death of all creation into a single perspective. In this sense, the feelings of joy and sorrow that human beings feel are unnecessary. When following the duty of nature and destiny, which is to break out of secular desire and empty the mind, it is possible to go to the stage of futility and enjoy a silent and comfortable life. Zhuangzi explains it as living free from worldly cares, which is the stage of 'Soyoyoo(逍遙遊)'. In this thesis, the principles of courtesy and the virtue of Confucianism are stated and are contrary to the concept of futility asserted by Zhuangzi. But, a different approach could be attempted which recognizes a superman who is even more evolved from the man of truth. The philosophical ideology of Zhuangzi could be a necessary factor for modern people and his oriental natural spirit should be highly appreciated.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.130
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• pp.247-276
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper is to explore how Zhang Zai(張載)''s Gi-Hak(氣學) and Wang Shou-Ren(王守仁)''s Sim-Hak(心學) are interrelated, which differs from prior positions viewing the two as separate, unrelated philosophies or ones standing in contrast to each other. By direct comparing the notions Tae-Heo(太虛) and Yang-Ji(良知), I tried to explain that ontological structures of Gi-Hak and Sim-Hak are interrelated ; and by comparing Dae-Sim(大心) and Chi-Yang-Ji(致良知), I made an argument that Gong-Bu-Ron(工夫論) of Gi-Hak and Sim-Hak corresponds to each other. Zhang Zai''s the doctrine of Tae-Heo can be seen as a respond to Jeok-Myeol-Ron(寂滅論) in Buddhism ; therefore, understanding Sim-Hak in terms of Gi-Hak, that is, interpreting the fundamental meaning of Yang-Ji as Tae-Heo, can free Yang-Myeong-Sim-Hak(陽明心學) from the unceasing criticism by Ju-Ja-Hak(朱子學) that it is a 'Buddhistic heresy'. This study could be highly significant in that it enables us to read the tradition of Zhang Zai not only from the viewpoint of u-Ja-Hak, but even from ang-Myeong-Sim-Hak tradition. I interpreted Yangming School of Mind as a developmental succession of Neo-Confucianism, and understood Zhang Zai''s Gi-Hak as a theoretical pioneer of Wang Shou-Ren''s Sim-Hak.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.105
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• pp.373-400
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• 2008

This essay is an analysis on Daoist deconstructivism and Confucian constructivism about music and language. (1) Daoist criticizes that the Confucian constructive music and language fail to describe original sounds and original facts of doing nothing (wuwei, 無爲). According to Daoist, music and language can be an instrument to describe true facts in the world. So Daoists try to attain a state of 'seeing things as things themselves (yiwuguanwu, 以物觀物)' by 'forgetting oneself (wangwo, 忘我).' (2) However Confucian music and language is a part of one's life. Confucians try to get truth, goodness, and beauty by exercising one's music and language. Confucian music is associated with political and moral development in society. The Confucian genres of poetry (shi, 詩), appealing letter (shu, 疏), declaring writing (biao, 表), record (ji, 記), and written words (ci, 詞) are processes of developing one's life. Further, Confucian rhetoric of 'Xing (興)' in writing poem shows that one's language can be developed in contexts of one's life. (3) Although music and language is associated with human subjective narratives as if Confucians say, diverse narratives of different subjectivity cannot appear in one's lives if all kinds of narrative is absorbed in Confucian absolute ideological slogan to devide things into good and bad. Accordingly, the Confucian view of music and language can develop diverse narratives when it does not show an inclination toward moral dichotomy preunderstood by Confucian ideology.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.181-208
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• 2018

This paper explores divination cultures of ancient China and how scriptures of the Zhou Yi had been interpreted in terms of Confucian ethics by the Confucian school focusing on Gan hexagram in the Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi manuscript. Gan hexagram shown on the Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi manuscript corresponds with Xian hexagram 咸卦 in the received text of the Zhou Yi, which means "gan 感," and the whole subjects of the hexagram are physical love and marriage between male and female. Such examples of divination for wedding between male and female are found frequently in ancient divination including Qinghuajian "Shifa" and these materials also demonstrates that Gan hexagram merely was a divination for love and marriage. However, Xunxi 荀子 "Dalue" 大略 and "Tuanzhuan" of the received text of the Zhou Yi had expanded to the dao 道 of husband and wife, and moreover, "erqi 二氣" philosophy of yin and yang by abstracting the theme of Gan hexagram, namely Xian hexagram, from love and marriage between male and female. Such expansion had stepped forward to a generative theory of all things that composes the world and cosmos in a way of natural philosophy and to a claim for peace under heaven in a way of human society through influences by shengren 聖人. "Xuguazhuan" also regards Xian hexagram 咸卦 as the dao of husband and wife and, based on it, expands to parents and children, sovereign and subject, superiors and inferiors, and the proprieties. The commentary of "Xuguazhuan" is concluded to human manners, starting with cosmic order. These statements interpreted scriptures of the Zhou Yi as Confucian ethics and show the aspects of how the Zhou Yi had become a Confucian classic.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.37
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• pp.159-195
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• 2013

A dispute between Zhu Xi(朱熹) and Lu Jiuyuan(陸九淵) is important on Neo-confucianism's development. The dispute causing from difference between Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's Philosophy had effected Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's each school's philosophical dispute. From Song dynasty to Ming Dynasty's most philosophers continuous disputed about Same & Difference on Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's Philosophy, but did not appreciate it because of school's prejudice. On Qing dynasty, there appeared philosophers being free or less from school's prejudice. they looked at Same & Difference on Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's Philosophy objectively. One of them was Li Fu(李?) philosopher of Lu Jiuyuan & Wang Yangming's school. He wrote Zhuziwannianquanlun("朱子晩年全論") objective investigation of Same & Difference on Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's Philosophy and reaction of Zhu Xi's school criticizing Wang Yangming's Zhuxiwannianzhunglun. Li Fu was Philosopher Lu Jiuyuan & Wang Yangming's school, but objectively compared between Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's philosophy, analysed same of Zhu Xi and Lu Jiuyuan's philosophy and attempted philosophical agreement. Li Fu's this approaching is new interpretation and isn't uncritical admission from prejudice of Lu Jiuyuan & Wang Yangming's school.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.113-138
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• 2016

The purpose of this research is to establish the foundation for understanding the appearance of development, inheritance and acceptance of Toegye Yi Hwang(退溪李滉, 1501~1570)'s theory after his life by examining Udam Jeong Sihan(愚潭 丁時翰, 1625~1707)'s view on the Ido-seol(理到說), the Toegye's latter theory. After Toegye, Ido-seol was translated as 'The principle of matters reaches the human mind'. Galam Yi Hyunil(葛庵 李玄逸, 1627~1704), the contemporary scholar with Udam, criticized this translation for applying the directivity and motility to 'Li', the immovable principle. However, Udam agreed with the conventional interpretation of Ido-seol and understood it as the consilience of mind which got the entire principle(體) of 'Li(理)' and contained the application(用) of all things. He extended this concept as the level of 'sameness between objects and self [物我爲一]' based on his former theory, the exquisite interpretation of 'application of Li'. The meaning of 'sameness between objects and self[物我爲一]' is not amalgamation but applepie order of matter's principle in mind. The Udam's viewpoint is differ from Galam who tried to overcome the structural limit of Ido-seol by transforming 'Do(到)', the predicate of 'Ido(理到)', into 'Jin(盡)'. It means that he tried to interpret 'Ido(理到)' on the more essential aspect. His view can be the useful tool for understanding the Toegye's neo-Confucianism system with 'Li(理)' as central figure. It suggested that Udam's theory of the principle and the applecation of 'Li' can be the important theory to investigate the formation of Toegye schools' though and its development.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.30
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• pp.227-257
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• 2010

This paper intends to articulate concretely the contents and methods of Confucius self-cultivation and their practical characteristics through the analysis of S?nsan Wang Fuzhi (船山 王夫之, 1619~1692)'s On Reading Four Classics - Chungyong 讀四書大全說-中庸. The essence of the practical philosophy that penetrates Chungyong (中庸: The Doctrine of the Mean) is the practice of self-cultivation through Chonyang (存養: Preserving one's self) and $S{\breve{o}}ngchal$ (省察: Self-reflection). It can come down to two cultivation practices: 1) careful and discrete thinking without seeing or listening (Kyesingonggu: 戒愼恐懼), 2) solely looking into what is hidden and covert (Sindok: 愼獨). $S{\breve{o}}nsan$ grasped the importance of the two concepts for practical philosophy and articulated the principles of practical self-cultivation of Chungyong by paying attention to the differences and mutual-relations of the two concepts. Especially, he put the emphasis on the study through Chonyang and then focused on the relations between Chonyang and $S{\breve{o}}ngchal$. He consistently argued that the Kyesingonggu's Chonyang study was what enabled the Sindok's $S{\breve{o}}ngchal$ study and clarified the meanings of Chonyang in self-cultivation. Furthermore, he established the self-cultivation study of Chungyong as the primary self-cultivation theory of Confucianism by maximizing the practical characteristics within $Chonyangs{\breve{o}}ngchal$.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.131-163
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• 2017

We were already thrown into the modern by the Japanese before reflecting the relevance of modernization and acceptance, and the value of the modern was postponed. The late period of Chosun, people sank into a state of torpor and traditional culture and ideology has caused people to have a negative perception of modern times.Modern times, however, are defined in the relative concept of tradition and modernity in the history of modern times. In order to understand the modern era and its origin, it is necessary to look squarely at the face of modernity. Failure of modern times is a failure of traditional succession.So, if we analyze the causes of the failure of the traditional heritage, why can't we see some of the reasons why we perceive it as a failure? In this thesis, it seeks to understand the diverse views of the traditional elites of the journal and the newspaper, which are published in the traditional education of the journal, and are looking at a variety of views. Moreover, we should seek to explore the traditional elements of the new tradition by discussing the aspects of the educational problems caused by the cause of the accidental break and the educational problems caused by its results.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.33-53
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• 2014

It's the situation that modern technological civilization shakes the life environment fundamentally without a serious reflection on the dangers. The sense of crisis' brought the rise of modern Ecology in awareness of survivability of the humanity. Because the serious reflection is not just a campaign for environmental protection, but is to establish the values which is possible to coexist and to make harmony between the nature and man, man and man, and to form a healthy relationship through philosophical thought and practice has intrinsic value for human and nature. Under these circumstances, if Yulgok lives now and he is questioned by the ecological theorists of the 21st century that "What do you think about the serious environmental problem of present times?", what really would be his explanation? In the presentation methods of the explanation, will question first what contents western ecologists who study Theory of the environment in technology, Deep Ecology, and Social Ecology propose, then will compare and introduce what similarities and differences from theirs. As a result, we'll be found that Yulgok's thought, moral consciousness, about the nature and humanity as a confucian scholar.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.43
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• pp.55-80
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• 2014

Park, Se-dang criticized or accepted Zhuxi's annotation with his own way of understanding Confucian classics. His way of understanding Zhuxi can explain through the motive of writing his book, sabyeonrok and his basic view of scripture interpretation in the book. He thought one can achieve learning from lower to upper level. That means it is good for one to study from text easy to reach and attain, grasp. But if one begin to study from text or contents hard to understand, that will make to lose the proper way or province to the value of learning. This is what Park, Se-dang's basic point of interpreting Confucian classics, called 'learning from lower to upper level.' Park, Se-dang gave high praise Cheng Hao and Cheng Yi and Zhuxi who recreated confucianism into world from darkness. He thought Cheng-Zhu school corrected confucian's ways of learning went wrong from Chinese Han. So we need to reconsider the assessment of his view as anti?post-Zhuxi. He also thought there were a lot of way to understand Confucian classics. He insisted Zhuxi's way of annotating Confucian classics was one of them, and so as his. He understood Zhuxi's thought in this way of thinking and his academic method of 'learning from lower to upper level.' Therefore to interpretate Confucian classics new way he criticised or accepted Zhuxi's way of annotating scripture though his own way of understanding Confucian classics and academic method of 'learning from lower to upper level.'