• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.6
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• pp.15-29
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• 2022

The Byungsan Neo-Confucian Academy, a 17th-century World Heritage Site in Korea, is being praised as a manifestation of naturalness or non-artificiality of the traditional Korean borrowed scenery technique (借景, chagyeong). This study, however, aims to reinterpret the chagyeong of the Byungsan Academy (hereafter the Academy) as a device of illusion evoking an idealized vision of nature. In the process of interpretation, 'picture and frame'-a widely accepted expression that represents the chagyeong of the Academy-will be foregrounded as the pivotal concept mediating the change of perspectives from naturalistic to ideological. This study consists of the following three parts. First, it shows that 'picture and frame' represent a modern way of seeing the Academy as an architectural heritage in harmony with nature; it denotes pristine nature and the empty architectural frame that safely circumscribes the innate beauty of the natural landscape. Second, departing from the naturalistic perspective, this study argues that the architectural framework of the Academy composes scenography enticing the viewer to imagine the idealized, Confucian image of nature that compares to the landscape imagery found in the landscape poetry and paintings that were produced and appreciated by the 17th-century Confucian literati. Lastly, based on the above interpretation, this study stresses that the 'picture' one encountered at the Academy in the 17th century was not the framed scene of a natural landscape but the illusion it caused; the architectural 'frame' worked not as a symbol of naturalness but as an institutional apparatus of vision manipulating the way one sees-and therefore imagines-the landscape.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.1-9
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• 2023

To be an adjunct professor(gyeomgyosu) literally means to act as an instructor while also holding a different position. Adjunct professors were initially introduced under Confucianism. Gradually, technical offices also appointed adjunct professors using Confucian-educated bureaucrats for the purpose of educating lower-level technical officials and cadets. This paper examines the history of the civil service system related to adjunct professors through the Code of Laws, and examines those who have been appointed to the public office described in various documents. This paper argues that changes in the medical office's adjunct professor system reflect changes in the national medical talent training policy. The main basis of specific recognizing medical personnel is to decouple the appointment of Confucian scholars from that of full-time doctors. The replacement of the role of medical educators from Confucian scholars to full-time doctors was largely accomplished during the reign of King Jungjong(中宗) and was completed during the period of King Injo(仁祖). The time when Euiyakdongcham was created and the Office of Euiyakdongcham was established coincided with the period when the adjunct professor was disrupted in the medical office. However, this change in the adjunct professor system of medical authorities is in contrast to interpretation, which is a representative technical field. In the case of interpretation, Moonshin's sayeogwon position as adjunct professor was maintained even in the late Joseon Dynasty, and apart from this, there was a hanhagmunsin in Seungmunwon. Interpreter families had institutional arrangements that prevented them from making interpretation their own monopoly. Therefore, families of medical bureaucrats had more room for institutional growth than those of bureaucratic interpreters. Of course, these institutional devices did not prevent the growth of interpreting bureaucratic families in the late Joseon Dynasty. However, the situation in which medicine was accepted only as a kind of knowledge, not as an object of full-time work for sadaebue, would have been an opportunity to rise for those in technical jobs who were full-time medicine. As medicine became more differentiated and developed in the late Joseon Dynasty, medical knowledge and the knowledge about the medical profession became more important. The politicians could not avoid the use of a philosophically oriented system in which a confucian-educated bureaucrat equipped with only Confucian knowledge might replace a full-time doctor. Thus, the contradiction between the reality and the ideal of ignoring or denying reality was reproduced like other Confucian-centered societies. These contradictions have implications for us living in the modern age. Establishing the relationship between philosophy (or belief) and technology should not end with the superiority of one side or the other.

• Journal of Science of Art and Design
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• v.6
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• pp.81-99
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• 2004

For making something to use as a tool since the emergence of mankind, the initial pragmatic purpose has transformed into a new genre of art over time. Things defined like this have rooted in our culture as tradition so far. In the midst of today's various trends, a reflection of tradition and a modern search for tradition by re-creating it are much more needed. To any people in any time, a new trend would undeniably develop on the basis of its previous tradition in any form. The colors appearing in such artwork are also an expression of each people's unconscious potentiality as essential grounds for human aesthetic. The traditional Korean Bojaki, which was made out of women's pragmatic mind trying to recycle trashy pieces of cloth in the 19th century of Chosun Dynasty, appears as a symbolization of our nation's original form in unconsciousness. It includes Confucianism, Buddhism, Zen and the Yin-Yang and Five Elements thought, which have been together with naturalism. The five colors appearing in the Yin-Yang and Five Elements are the basis. Fourteen selected samples around the five colors seen in the color scheme of the Chosun era's Bojaki were measured and their color values were found by analyzing them based on HCV(Hue, Chroma, Value)of the five primary colors as well as the five secondary colors. After choosing a few colors with bare eyes close to traditional Primary Colors and Secondary Colors amongst 14 pieces of data which particularly used traditional Five Colors and examining them using spectrophotometer(JX777), the following conclusions were drawn. Comparing only colors in Primary Colors, the result was red 7.11R 4.59/10.69, blue 6.71PB 3.18/6.45, yellow 3.91Y 7.56/6.12, respectively. With regard to Secondary Colors, it was reported that red 7.96RP 5.42/10.3, blue 7.8B 5.16/5.53, green 8.03GY 6.05/4.34, yellow 2.73Y 7.47/4.07, purple 2.39RP 4.69/4.56, respectively. (diagram) As a result, the standard of Five Colors can be used in modern fiber color. There are differences in dyeing material, methods and kinds of fiber of that time, but women of Chosun Dynasty combined and made fabric which was circulated. Consequently, an applicable attribute of the aye-color values was considered.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.1
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• pp.101-117
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• 1977

This thesis is a study of the Simui(深衣) system which was a dress regulation peculiar to old China with skirt and coat. The origin of Simui is a very long time, that is, before Ju dynasty in China. Its wearing range had a large circle irrespective of rank and good or bad luck. This was a ordinary dress to the Emperor or the lords, a below court attire or a below sacrificial rites attire to the illustrious officials, and good luck dress to the common people. But this was a funeral rites attire or coming-of-age ceremony attire in domestic behaviour. In the times of Song dynasty, lots of confucian scholars had put on this simui because of Juhi's recommendation for domestic behaviour. This Simui had been put on through all the times of China and was the original text of all the dress. Especially the court attire and silkworm working dress of Empress, and the court attire and underwear court attire of Emperor is also made out of this Simui, therefore this is a origin of the ceremonial dress which formed into long coat. In Korea it is said that this Simui was brought in prior to the middle of Goryeo dynasty. But we can't tell the correct transmitted age. According to the following records in Goryeo History, "King had put on the Simui as a sacrificial rite attire in the times of Yejong". It is sure that this Simui was brought in prior to the times of Yejong. In fact, lots of confucian scholars had put on the Simui since the introduction of confucianism in the end of Goryeo dynasty and after that time this was taken by many confucian scholars through Yi dynasty. Korean Simui system was complied with Chinese system through confucian domestic behaviour, This was respected for court dress of confucian scholars, as it were, Chumri, (an ordinary dress of scholars), Nansam (a uniform of upper student), and Hakchangui (a uniform of confucian student). There are many deta about Simui system in the book of Yeki, chapter Okcho and Simui, and other many canfucian books. But we didn't demonstrate the theory about it till now. Especially there are diversifies of opinions about the phrase of "Sok Im Ku Byun" in Yeki. Simui was cut in separate and then was stitched together in one piece. Generally its shape had round sleeve and angled lapel, its length reaches to the anklebone. And it has a line around the lapel, the sleeve band, and the edge of skirt. It is called Simui because the body can be wrapped deeply in broad width and large sleeve. The Simui was made of white fine linen and was cut by the natural size of body. Every part of Simui had a profound meaning; the round sleeve in compliance with regulation can keep a courtesy when a walker moves his hands and the angled lapel like a carpenter's square in compliance with square keeps them front loosing their Justice and a string of the back also keeps them loosing from their righteousness and the flat lower part of Simui makes their heart and mind calm. This Simui was usually attendant on a head cover and belt made cloth, and black shoes. This thesis was made a study of documents and portrait from Yi dynasty, for the actual object was not obtained.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.44 no.3
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• pp.79-93
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• 2016

The present study aimed to understand the taste of literati appearing in the Korean-Chinese garden by comparing "Yanghwasorok(養花小錄)" and "Zhangwuzhi(長物志)", which are one of the representative gardens in Korea and China. The main subject of comparison is plants; the research results are as follows. First, Gang Hui-an stated that the ultimate purpose of growing and appreciating the gardening plants is the completion of oneself, while Wen Zhen-heng(文震亨) used gardening plants as a means to practice a life of reclusiveness(隱逸). Second, Gang Hui-an claimed that growing plants is human's cultivation of virtue on the basis of Confucian view's gaining knowledge by the study of things(格物致知), whereas Wen Zhen-heng realized the taste of 'elegance(雅趣)' through form of plants or planting method. Third, although plant preference of literati of both countries is similar in many parts, there is a slight difference for putting gardening plants in pots and appreciating them. For example, even for selecting or placing pots, simplicity and lightness are characteristically reflected from Gang Hui-an while splendor and refinedness are characteristically shown from Wen Zhen-heng. Moreover, in light of the taste of appreciation of literati of the Song Dynasty(宋代), which is a sample of literati spirit, Gang Hui-an inherited the inner world of the spirit whereas Wen Zhen-heng expressed 'literati-ness' in visual images.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.341-364
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• 2017

This thesis is to reflect prevalently stereo-typed community ideas and find alternative ones that have interconnected, relational, and autonomous acting system for our lives. Probably community is the collective space in which 'I' as the subject in the world meet others and achieve the desirable objects each other. By the way the community spaces could be nation state, societies, and people of nation or ones that deal local problems, environments, and ecology and clubs ect, which are variable according to our concerns. In a sense community pay attention to not societies such as nations or people but lives of individuals, preparing for the territories where men feel convenient in their bodies and mentalities without artificial manipulation. In such a community the participant's vital energy can be stretched actively and relationally, and even if the leader be, there is the politics of doing nothingness not to be the obstacle in the way mens' will goes. In those communities they can live their lives at their nature and realize their dreams without barriers to their way. If we find these ideas of communities which are alternative for our period, we should gaze at Asiatic ones that may be scattered in classics of Confucianism, Daoim and ect. With these concepts and concerns, this paper was drawn up.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.30
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• pp.283-310
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• 2010

This paper attempted to solve the problem of contemporary youth character education through the traditional character education. For this purpose, to revaluate the educational contents of the Chosen Dynasty with current viewpoint and investigate there is what kind of meaning in current society. In other words, tried to observe about principles and methodology of youth education which based on the human being and education theory of the Confucianism. Specially analysis led about youth education theory of the Toegye and Yulgok who represents Korean studying abroad, to suggest learning model that can apply today and propose that will be able to succeed traditional education in modern ways in future. This paper reviewed that using a traditional education model for the development of youth character education as a basic task of character education program, and proposed its three kinds of components and learning model. First, Arranged character education by 10 kinds of core concept. Second, divided character education into 4 stages - recognition, reflection, application, expansion. Then suggested based on the will, emotion and mind- each of the key concept reapplied by the 4 stages.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.307-336
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• 2018

This paper traces the historical genealogy of the subjectivity and the silsim (實心, true mind) that appear in Jeong In-Bo's "gukhak" (國學, the national learning) thought and illuminates its characteristics. In the modern East Asian history of thought, the beginning of the emergence of subjectivity and the silsim as the main philosophical topic comes from the Neo-Confucianism of Song Dynasty in China. Cheng Yi is the first thinker to emphasize subjectivity and consciousness. Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming inherit the Neo-Confucian thought based on Cheng Yi's principle of subjectivity, but only show difference in methodology. In the Chosun Dynasty, Jeong Je-Doo and his School were one example of the Neo-Confucian spirit of subjectivity and the silsim. Although Jeong In-Bo (鄭寅普) belongs to Jeong Je-Doo's school of Ganghwa in the school curriculum, he has only used it methodologically since he believed that Yangming's learning is more effective in the awareness and practice of the silsim. Especially noteworthy is that the principle of subjectivity led Jeong In-Bo to follow the frame of Zhu Xi's moral theory. Jeong's claim that selfish desire (jasasim 自私心) should be controlled by a conscious mind (silsim) being aware of the right and 'ought to do' corresponds to Zhu Xi's view that the moral mind (dosim 道心) should be selected in the conflict situation between sensual desire (insim 人心) and moral consciousness so that the insim should be supervised by the dosim. Such ethics is a position to emphasize the inner motive and the sense of duty of conduct, and there is no fundamental difference in Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming. At least on this point, it is necessary to look at modern and contemporary Korean studies from the perspective of continuity, not discontinuity from Confucian tradition.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.171-200
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• 2016

The full-scaled study of Joseon conducted by Japan in the 1910s was part of its colonial policy, while the native Joseon studies against it contained political aspiration to recover the national rights and independence. Accordingly, the conceptual meaning of 'Joseon' varied according to its subject of speech. The establishment of modern nation-state failed along with the extinction of Korean Empire, but 'Joseon' was newly discovered within national ideology. It became a historical concept in which the experience of the past and the expectation toward the future could be united. The so-called 'Joseon Studies' was only limited to intellectuals in the academic circle, but 'Joseon' embraced the articulations from more various social agents. Furthermore, it is only natural that 'Joseon Studies' should be interpreted within the historical semantics of 'Joseon', considering the connection between concept and discourse. In his The History of Joseon Civilization, An Hwak encompassed the history from the times of ancient mythology to the contemporary times under the banner of 'Joseon'. Opposing Japanese distortion of history carried out in the name of historical positivism, he idealized Joseon history as comparable to that of the Western democracy. He extended the study of 'Joseon' into culture at large, foreshadowing a kind of Joseon philosophy. In his An Overview of Joseon Philosophical Ideas, the first description of 'Joseon philosophy' as an independent field, he proposed philosophy as one of three sources of pride in Joseon and asserted its uniqueness and originality compared to the West. It was an attempt to grasp the peculiarity of Joseon ideas from a perspective of the history of universal human civilization. He considered 'Jong'(倧) as an ideological foundation held from the ancient to the modern times, and the acceptance of Buddhism and Confucianism as beneficial to 'Joseon philosophy'. The birth of 'Joseon philosophy', the modern transformation of the traditional knowledge system, was an intellectual experiment to apply traditional knowledge to the modern disciplinary classification system.

• The Journal of Internal Korean Medicine
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.87-99
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• 2011

In the 18th century, Xu Lingtai (徐靈胎) and Yoshimasu Todo (吉益東洞) were medical revolutionaries. They emphasized researches about synthesis of formulae, efficacy of medication and observation and then classification of clinical phenomena, so they assumed a modern scientific character. But, there were clear differences between their academic thoughts. In this paper, we examine the causes of difference in three fields, i.e. traditional culture, viewpoints of talented people and academic personality. The first, difference was due to traditional culture. Chinese medicine has a long history and heavy traditional culture. Yin-Yang (陰陽) theory, Five Phase(五行) theory, Viscera and Bowels (臟腑) theory and Meridian and Collateral (經絡) theory stemmed from everyday practice, and Chinese people learn these theories from experience and observation. From the standpoint of Chinese people, particularly scholarly doctors [儒醫] such as Xu Lingtai, it was easy to debate medical theories. In contrast, Japanese traditional culture didn't have as long a history as China. Thus as a necessity, it was harder to disseminate traditional Chinese medicine theories in Japan. Yoshimasu Todo simplified it by cutting out the superfluous traditional Chinese medicine theory, so at that time it must have been shocking to the Japanese medical world's trends. The second, difference was due to viewpoints of talented experts. From the standpoint of Xu Lingtai, above all, medicine is just a learning, only a kind of technique, even more not a means of living. Xu Lingtai was concerned with the appearance of very talented experts such as 'great man' (偉人), and 'exceptional man' (奇士) who carried out medical research. Instead of cultivating a few talented people, Yoshimasu Todo tried to produce a large number of clinicians quickly who could treat ordinary people. The third was due to personality difference. As Xu Lingtai threw away Confucianism and studied medicine in his youth, although he had a critical attitude, he was always mild-mannered. Yoshimasu Todo always had a clearly critical and rebellious nature. Personality influenced their literary spirit and learning style, so although both advocated reactionism, the academic thought of Xu Lingtai was reformative and mild, while that of Yoshimasu Todo was revolutionary and fierce. Xu Lingtai and Yoshimasu Todo had considerably similar research domains and academic thought, so it is proper for them both to serve as examples for making a comparative study of medical history in China and Japan in 18th century.