• The Korean Journal of Quaternary Research
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• v.18 no.2 s.23
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• pp.65-66
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• 2004

There have been groves, in many cases, along with hedgerows and remnant forests around a traditional Korean village. A village grove is very closely connected to the life of residents. Sometimes it was a holy place where important village festivals were held, and became a resting place for farmers, especially in sunny summer. As a matter of fact, it is noted that traditional Korean village groves had been fostered for many purpose as religion, Confucianism, scenery, sanitation, traffic guard, public security, agriculture, hunting, and military and public uses were included in Chosun Govemor General(1938). Village groves were usually located at the outlet of watershed inside which a village was built. In addition, village groves used to be established along part of mountain ranges, streams and streets. A unique type of village grove, called bibosoop was fostered especially where the outlet of watershed was largely opened. In other cases, it was placed where a part of mountain range was relatively low, or where village residents were likely to see ugly objects such as a huge cliff, stony upland with an unvegetated area and the like(Kim and Jang 1994). In a sense, a sheltebelt is a sort of bibosoop as it is a landscape element to complement places that are exposed to strong winds. However, it is comparable to other typical bibosoop that is situated at a topographically very specific zone of watershed. In this paper, we will address potential functions of Korean village groves from a perspective of modern landscape ecology and show current status of some remnants, based on preliminary surveys. A village grove functions as barrier or filter of objects such as water, nutrients, and other elements and habitat of wildlife (park et al. 2003, Lee 2004). The village grove slows down the flow of water and air, maintains soil moisture an hinders soil erosion, enabling cultivation of crops and bringing up creatures nearby. It contributes to enhancing biodiversity. Birds rest on shrubby and woody trees of the element. Presumably, other organisms may also inhabit the village groves and take advantage of it when those move from a forest patch to others. Emerging insects acclimate themselves in the shade of the green space before they fly to sunny air. Besides the village grove acts as a component of agroforestry system as leaf litter is shed from a grove to an asjacent agricultural area, and transformed into green manure(Lee 2004). By the way, many of the landscape elements were destroyed or declined in Koea during the past several decades. The losses have been parallel or linked to environmental degradation. Unfortunately, we have a little reliable data as for how many groves have disappeared in Korea until now. There has been no complete census on the village groves in Korea, and the viewpoints of survey were to a degree different depending on surveyors. So, it is difficult to analyze the temporal and spatial change of village groves. Currently, national inventory data of Korean village groves are available in three reports. We reviewed the locations of village groves and arranged those according to the present administrative units, DONG. With the limited data, we found that at least 484 of village groves were recorded in South Korea. Among all provinces, village groves were most in Gyeongsanbuk-Do Province and least in Chungcheongbuk-Do Province(Table 1). This is a preliminary report prepared while some quantitative data regarding functions and lossers of the village groves are being collected. More detailed data will be introduced in the near future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.81-93
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to clarify the background of the plans and the spatial characteristics of the garden at the Anglo-Korean School, an educational institution established in Gaeseong in 1906 by Yun Chi-ho and the American Methodist Church. The time scope of the study is from 1906, when the school was opened, to the early 1920s, when the basic building structure of the school was completed. The spatial scope is the school complex, located in Gaeseong, and its affiliated facilities. The contents of the study include the planning background and purpose, spatial layout, and plants used in the school garden. This study reviewed Yun Ch'i-ho's papers and Warren A. Candler's papers at Emory University, documents, photos, and maps produced in the early 20th century. The results show that the school garden was first mentioned at the school's opening and that with a strong will, Yun Chi-ho insisted on establishing a school garden. The garden was located around the engineering department building and was divided into several sections and lots. Economic plants, such as fruit trees, comprised the garden and were sourced from the Methodist Church of the South, USA. This study reveals that the garden at the Anglo-Korean School functioned as a training ground for agriculture and horticulture education and was differentiated from Seowon, a traditional Korean academy that symbolically spaced Neo-Confucianism and that emphasized the views of the surrounding nature during the Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.185-194
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• 2004

This study examined the characteristics of 45 sects of seven new aboriginal religious groups in Korea including Jeungsan sect, Tangun sect, Soowoon sect, Won Buddhism, Bongnam sect, Gahksedo sect, Shamanism sect that had given a considerable influence on the modem Korean society since the end of 19th century through the field study and the review of documents. The purpose of the study was to elucidate how their religious ideas were reflected in their ceremonial costumes and what characteristics these costumes had. The results were as follows: 1. The new religious groups in Korea modified or mixed the designs or the names of existing outfits to convey their ideas or beliefs through their costumes. 2. The costumes of new religious groups had common characteristics of the times, Korean tradition and ancestor worship. 3. All the ceremonial costumes symbolized the creeds and ideas of each religion in their names, designs, and colors. The names of the costumes such as Way-Robe, Law-Robe, and Ceremony-Robe, and of the headpieces such as Sky-Crown, Lotus-Crown, Ceremony-Crown, and Sevenfold-Crown, for instance, were related with Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism. The most common design of costume was consisted of traditional hanbok and some type of headpiece and robe for men, and hanbok modified to Western-style for women. Most sects adopted hanbok as their ceremonial costume, but they tend to simplify its design. The color scheme of the costumes reflected the influence of the Yul-Yang and Five Elements idea but the colors varied depending on seasons and occasions to suit their creeds and philosophy. 4. These religious costumes were worn at various ceremonies, ritual, and various anniversary services for the master and other dignitaries of the sect to render greater piety to those gatherings, to distinguish the sect from other religious groups, to clarify the meaning of the ceremony, and to heighten the devout feelings of the participants. Thus, the structure (the symbol, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme) and religious background of the costumes of the new aboriginal religious groups in Korea turned out to have inherited and mixed various elements of traditional Korean outfits and those of existing religions to symbolize their religious ideas.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.14 no.3 s.43
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• pp.129-148
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• 2005

The plan type of Korean protestant church architecture underwent changes as following five stages according to the changes of the distinction between the sexes. First stage - At the beginning of missionary work in Korea, Koreans generally worshiped in missionary houses which were traditional Korean styles. The plan type of these houses was a simple '-' figure. At that time, men and women worshiped separately because of the idea of the distinction between the sexes. They either worshiped in different places at the same time or in the same place at the different time. Second stage - At this stage, men and women started to worship together in the same place. At the beginning of this stage, men sat in the front of the chapel on a rostrum, and women sat behind the men. The plan type of the chapel was a simple '-' or a rectangular figure. Later, they sat separately on the right and left side. There are the visual interceptions which were set up between them. As the number of church members increased rapidly, a new type of church architecture appeared. It was a 'ㄱ' figure. At that time the entrances were separated by the sexes. Third stage - At this stage, the visual interceptions disappeared as the idea of the distinction between the sexes became weak. As new churches had been constructed by the plan type of rectangular figure, the visual interceptions weren't set up anymore. Fourth stage - At this stage, the separated entrances were unified as one. But the arrangement of their seats didn't change because of the old idea of the distinction between the sexes. Fifth stage - In the final stage, the plan type of the church architecture was not determined by the idea of the distinction between the sexes but social, economical, technological facts and the influence of the foreign architecture. At this stage, new and various kinds of the plan type appeared such as the fan, round, squared, or oval figure as well as the rectangular figure. Men and women were not classified anymore. They started to sit and worship together in the same place. Also, when men and women sat separately from side to side because of the Idea of the distinction between the sexes, men sat on the right and women sat on the left side of rostrum. It didn't applied Confucian ideas but the idea of protestant church; protestant churches have the idea that the right side is more important but it does not in Confucianism.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.123-139
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• 2003

This study examines the characteristics of 45 sects of seven new aboriginal religious groups in Korea including Jeungsan sect, Tangun sect, Soowoon sect, Won Buddhism, Bongnam sect, Gahksedo sect, Shamanism sect through field study and various documents. The purpose of the study is to elucidate how their religious ideas are reflected in their ceremonial costumes and what characteritics and underlying meanings these costumes have, and I reached the following conclusions 1. The new religious groups in Korea modified or mixed the designs or names of existing outfits to convey their ideas or beliefs in their costumes. 2. The costumes of new religious groups turned out to have certain characteristics in common: they all reflected the times, Korean tradition, ancestor worship. 3. I looked at the symbolicity, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme to establish their structural characteristics, and it turned out that they an symbolized the creeds and ideas of each religion. The names of the costumes such as Way-Robe, Law-Robe, and Ceremony-Robe, for instance, had to do with Buddhism Taoism, and Confucianism. The most common type of costume consisted of traditional hanbok top, pant, robe, and some type of headpiece for men, and hanbok top and, skirt for women, and if women were to wear a robe, it usually meant the sect believed in sexual equality. There was also a tendency to simplify or minimize the dress code, which seems to indicate that the sect was trying to adapt itself to, the times. The most common type of the outer garment for men was a robe with narrow sleeves, straight lapel, and no slits, and a robe with wide sleeves, straight lapel, and slits for women. The color scheme of the costumes included blue, white, yellow, red, and black, reflecting the influence of the Yin-Yang and Five Elements idea and traditional preference for white of Koreans. 4. These religious costumes were worn at various ceremonies, ritual, and various anniversary services for the master and other dignitaries of the sect to render greater piety to those gatherings, to distinguish the sect from other religious groups, to clarify the meaning of the ceremony, and to heighten the devout feelings of the participants. Thus, the structure (the symbolicity, names, and types of the outfit, and their color scheme) and religious background of the costumes of the new aboriginal religious groups in Korea turned out to have inherited and mixed various element of traditional Korean outfit and those of existing religions to symbolize their religious ideas. Many religions in and fall, and each has its own dress codes, and I hope this study provides a framework and data for other researchers and leaders of new religious groups that will emerge in the future.

• Journal of Korean Home Economics Education Association
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• v.19 no.1 s.43
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• pp.115-131
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• 2007

Philosophical and social backgrounds and inquiring into new direction of Practical Arts and Home Economics Education is done through this paper. The overall review of the related documents, records, books has been done, and research findings are presented as follows; Thought(Educational theory and Philosophy) for Korean Practical Arts Education is based on Learning to Labor, Practical Science and Pragmatism. Korean curriculum for Home Economics were originated in Confucianism background, which stressed the importance of different gender roles for men and women. However, Korean Home Economics based on Home Economics Subject Matter has been developed without philosophical base unlike that of American Pragmatism and Critical Theory. Therefore, scientific recognition in a section of value recognition was separated and developed so far. Thus, we could not answer to social missions about keeping values of life corresponding with changing environment I also observed the analysis of revision curriculum of the mentioned subject, and the changes of concepts of Work and Prasix, necessity of Home Economics Education for fixing about a basic life education and a basic life skill, and reinforcement of the function in Home. And then, new directions is proposed that the role of Home Economics Education in school be reinforced for the upcoming low birth rate and the aging society(high proportion of the aged people). Because Characters on correct values of children and youths might be nurtured in home foremost.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.119-128
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• 2015

The purpose of this study was to look at the Jungeun-sasang(中隱思想) and garden of Bai Juyi in the perspective of landscape architecture and inquiry the meaning of Bai Juyi's construction activities, thought shown in his gardens, and how his construction method influenced later and the result is as follows. First, the 'Jungeun-sasang(中隱思想)' of Bai Juyi improved the Eunil-sasang(隱逸思想) and the birth of 'Jungeun-sasang(中隱思想)' became a clue to be developed up to the garden art. In addition, different from before that built gardens hiding in mountains, it prepared the turning point to build gardens in cities. Second, the space principle of 'paradise' shown in the garden of Bai Juyi was a means and principle to absorb the nature such as positioning rocks, formation of mounds, and positioning of flowers in the limited and small spaces different from previous gardens of splendid and magnificent. The garden became not only outer scene but also the 'Simwon(心園) that reflected the inside world. 12) Third, the gardening act and thought appeared in the poem of Bai Juyi were expressed in pictures and his own gardens as his poem was borrowed and quoted. As a result, Bai Juyi's literary view on the art and thought prepared the base in the popularity of literary gardens and forming of characteristic styles through practical activities that he managed his own gardens. Forth, Bai Juyi's level of Confucianism realization and delicate aesthetical consciousness gave meanings to the scene of gardens through the discovery of the fusion of mountains and creeks, ways of adding, and the aesthetical consciousness of Taihushi(太湖石)and influenced in the forming of garden culture later on.

• International Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.67-78
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• 2007

The aim of this paper was to compare differences and similarities of farmhouses between Denmark and Korea as a cross-cultural study. Farmhouses built during the 18th and 19th centuries in Denmark, and ones from Chosun Dynasty (AD. 1392-1910) in Korea were targets of this study. Literature study and field trips to districts and open-air museums in both countries were used. Field trips were carried out during summer of 2005 in Denmark, and fall of 2005 in Korea. Detailed comparisons focused on farmhouse plans, the use of rooms and furnishing, and building materials. As a conclusion, some differences were found between the two countries. In terms of farmhouse plans, square types with four wings, and parallel types were the most frequent forms in Denmark, while a few types, such as the "I", "L", "U" shapes and square types, were more frequently found in Korea. In Denmark, the most important room was the dwelling-room, in which daily family life took place. Every member of the family slept, ate, and worked here, and kept geese and young animals during the winter season. Therefore, this room was laid out in the center of the house. However, Anbang, the most important room in Korea, was not situated in the best part of the house. Instead, the Daechung-maru occupied the center and the best place because the daechung-maru, in which the ancestral ceremony was held, was thought of as more important than a place for live people. Also the use of rooms and furnishing was quite different between the two countries, reflecting each life style. Danish furnishings represented practical daily life, while Korean furnishings reflected more conceptual aspects. It might have resulted from Confucianism in the Chosun Dynasty, which ruled daily life and even influenced use of rooms and furnishings. In other word, philosophy influenced common peoples' daily life and living environment. With reference to building materials, there was rarely a difference between the two countries. Major materials for farmhouse were quite common, such as half-timbering wood and clay, but the difference was in bricks and roof coverings. Bricks were rarely used in Korean farmhouses, while rice-straw was rare for the roof of a Danish farmhouse. Of course, the choice of materials was strongly affected by the local surroundings and overall environment. This result can give some clues for design ideas when architects and interior designers plan housing that is adapted for local peoples. This kind of cross-cultural study can also contribute to one's understanding of foreign culture, especially in housing and culture. And, it can broaden one's insight of design ideas for designers who have to compete frequently with designers in foreign countries.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.149-165
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• 1996

Hong-sii Tokso-rok (홍씨독서록 or Hong's Annotated Bibliography of Korean and Chinise Book) is the only work on the history of Korean bibliographies that has the introductory notes to each class, that is description of the origin of subject fields, transition, and characteristics at the beginning of each class. This paper is aimed to examine the outline of the introductory description of class, to analyze the Four Category Classification System(사부분류법) devised by Hong Sok-chu, and to explain how the classes of Four Category Classification are set and ordered. This paper shows several characteristics in the idea of Hong's classification system. There characteristics were discovered by analyzing the content of each introduction of classes. The characteristics ale as follows First, classes are organize and arranged from the substantial problem to nonsubstantial ones. In other words, the greater the distance of the class from the substantial problem of Confucianism, the farther the order of the class will be found from the substantial problem. The order of classes is set by how the class is closed to the substantial problem in the same hierarchy. This principle is strictly applied to the Hong's classification system. Second, on the basis of democratic thought, he del·eloped the classification system. In other words, when he set up the priority of classes, he put emphasis on the democratism as a guideline. The organization of classes belong to the catagories of history (Sa-bu, 사부) and philosophy(Cha-bu, 자부) showed the application of this principle. Conclusively, this paper found that Hong did not randomly arrange the class older, but he set the class order with objective reasons and logic when he set the class order of arrangement.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.239-264
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• 2018

Chosun regime, when it replaced the predecessor of Koryo, had to create political ideological system for new integration of the people. The new system, based on Confucianism, replaced religious values of Buddhism with educational ones. In this educational-ideological system, educational objects were mostly limited in character education's. Its goal was 'restoration of good nature'. For the principal agent of educational process, teacher had the initiative. These traits of educational system can be understood as an 'nature-unfolding perspective' or 'formal discipline perspective'. Moreover, the idea of 'teacher shall be served like prince' seems to be ground of political authoritarianism. In this respects, political traits of traditional education system can be restraining elements for developing independent individuality and free citizenship among Korean people. However, traditional teacher was not only authoritarian trainer. As 'a follower of truth and good', he was equal to his disciples. Teacher learned by teaching them. Students could be colleagues of their teacher. And the main traits of traditional education, focusing character development and community consciousness, are still important, in particular, to modern Korean educational and societal environment wanting in humane and participating citizenship.