• 시큐리티연구
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• 제36호
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• pp.139-176
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• 2013

고려시대는 우리나라의 경호사적 측면에서 대단히 중요한 의미를 지니고 있는 시기라고 볼 수 있다. 고려전기는 절대왕권이 성립되는 시기로서 국왕과 왕실을 중심으로 하는 공적 경호중심의 호위제도였다면, 고려후기 무신집권기에는 공식적 호위제도인 2군6위는 형식적인 기구에 불과하였고, 무신집권자의 신변호위와 집권체제의 강화를 위한 사적 경호가 중심을 이루고 있었다고 보아야 한다. 따라서 본 연구에서 고려전기의 호위제도에 한정하여 논의를 전개하는 것도 그 이유 중의 하나이다. 고려전기의 관제상의 호위관련 기관으로서는 내군부(內軍部), 병부(兵部), 중추원(中樞院)을 들 수 있으며, 특히 중추원에 대하여는 심도 있게 접근하여 살펴보았다. 한편 고려전기의 병제상의 호위관련 기관으로서는 2군6위와 공학군, 견룡군 등을 들 수 있다. 2군은 응양군과 용호군을 말하며, 국왕의 친위대였다. 특히 2군과 관련하여 논의되고 있는 공학군과 견룡군에 대하여 기존의 학설과는 다른 각도에서 접근하여 이들의 실체를 살펴보고자 하였다. 그리고 공적호위와 관련하여, 6위 중 금오위는 궁궐 수도 개성의 수비, 순찰 및 포도금란(捕盜禁亂)의 임무외에도 국왕이나 중국사신 등에 대한 호위업무 중 도로에서의 비상사태와 관련하여 도로를 정리하고 선도 호위하는 임무도 수행하였고, 천우위는 궁전에서 대례(大禮), 대조회(大朝會)시에 왕을 시종 시위하는 친위부대였음을 문헌 등을 통하여 고증(考證)하였다. 결론적으로 본 연구는 곳곳에 산재(散在)해 있는 호위제도와 관련된 문헌과 연구자료들을 발굴하고 분석 평가하여 전방위적으로 하나의 골격이 형성된 호위제도로서의 기구와 기능을 새롭게 조명해 보았다는 점에 의미를 두어야 할 것 같다.

• 한국잡초학회지
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.50-59
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• 1991

주요(主要) 채소용(菜蔬用) 제초제(除草劑)의 잔효기간(殘效期間)과 후작물(後作物)에 미치는 영향(影響)을 조사(調査)코자 한다. 여름작물 6종(감자, 당근, 옥수수, 수박, 여류콩, PE 멀칭참깨)을 포장(圃場)에 파종(播種)하고 각(各) 작물(作物)에 적용(適用)이 가능시 된 제초제(除草劑)를 약량별(藥量別)로 처리(處理)한후 생물검정(生物檢定)에 의하여 경시적으로 조사(調査)하였다. 1. 처리(處理)된 제초제(除草劑)의 잔효기간(殘效期間)과 후작물(後作物)에 대 한 약해유무(藥害有無)(carry-over injury)는 공시토양(供試土壤)의 종류(種類)나 재배작물(栽培作物)의 종류(種類)간에는 큰 차이가 없었다. 그러나 제초제(除草劑)의 처리시기(處理時期)(봄처리, 가을처리), 처리약량(處理藥量), 토양(土壤)의 채취심도(採取深度), 검정식물(檢定植物)의 종류(種類) 및 파종일자(播種日字)(경과일수(經過日數)) 등에 따라 차이가 있었고, 제초제별(除草劑別) 잔효기간(殘效基幹)의 장단(長短)의 구별(區別)도 뚜렷하였다. 그러나 잔효성제초제(殘效性除草劑)라도 후작물(後作物)의 종류(種類)(감수성작물(感受性作物) 피함), 약제처리후작물(藥劑處理後作物)의 파종일자(播種一字) 연장, 경운심도(耕耘深度) 등의 조절(調節)로 후작물약해(後作物藥害)는 최소화 할 수 있었다. 2. 월동작물(越冬作物)에 처리(處理)된 제초제중(除草劑中) 그 작기(作期)가 종료시(終了時)(하작(夏作) 100-120 일(日))까지 잔효(殘效)가 거의 남지 않아 후작물(後作物)에 안전(安全)한 제초제(除草劑)는 alachlor, trifluralin, ethalfluralin, metribuzin, prometryn 등이었다. 3. Pendimethalin, metolachor, linuron, methabenzthiazuron, simazin 등은 추천약량(推薦藥量)까지는 후기종료(後期終了)와 동시(同時)에 안전(安全)하나 배량처리(倍量處理)가 될때에는 그 약제(藥劑)에 감수성작물(感受性作物)의 생육(生育)에는 영향(影響)이 있었다. 4. Napropamide는 300 ga. i./10 a 약량(藥量) 처리시(處理時) 작기종료직후(作期終了直後)(약제처리(藥劑處理) 140 일후(日後))에는 후작물(後作物)중 화본과(禾本科)인 I.R과 보리등에는 영향(影響)이 있었으나, 십자화과(무, 배추)작물(作物)에는 영향(影響)이 없었다. 5. Nitralin은 약제처리(藥劑處理) 140 일후(日後)에도 I.R과 보리에는 150-300 g a. i/10 a 약량(藥量)에서 생육억제(生育抑制)가 있었으나, 십자화과에 대한 영향(影響)은 적었다.

• 한국잡초학회지
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• 제11권1호
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• pp.32-49
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• 1991

주요(主要) 채소용(菜蔬用) 제초제(除草劑)의 잔효기간(殘效期間)과 후작물(後作物)에 미치는 영향(影響)을 조사(調査)코자 월동작물(越冬作物) 5종(種)(가을배추, 무, 시금치, 양파, 마늘)을 포장(圃場)에 파종(播種)하고 각 작물(作物)에 적용(適用)이 가능시된 제초제(除草劑)를 약량별(藥量別)로 처리(處理)한후 생물검정(生物檢定)에 의하여 경시적으로 조사(調査)하였다. 1. 처리(處理)된 제초제(除草劑)의 잔효기간(殘效其間)과 후작물(後作物)에 대한 약해유무(藥害有無)(carry-over injury)는 공시토양(供試土壤)의 종류(種類)나 재배작물(栽培作物)의 종류(種類)간에는 큰 차이가 없었다. 그러나 제초제(除草劑)의 처리약량(處理藥量), 토양(土壤)의 채취심도(採取深度), 검정식물(檢定植物)의 종류(種類) 및 접종일자(接種日字)(경과일수(經過日數)) 등에 따라 차이가 뚜렷하였다. 그러나 잔효성제초제(殘效性除草劑)라도 후작물(後作物)의 종류(種類)(감수성작물(感受性作物) 피함), 약제처리후(藥劑處理後) 후작물(後作物)의 접종일자(接種日字) 연장, 경운심도(耕耘深度) 등의 조절로 후작물약해(後作物藥害)는 최소화 할 수 있었다. 2. 월동작물(越冬作物)에 처리된 제초제중(除草劑中) 그 작기(作期)가 종료시 (동작(冬作) 200-240일)까지 잔효(殘效)가 거의 남지 않아 후작물(後作物)에 안전(安全)한 제초제(除草劑)는 alachlor, trifluralin, prometry 등이었다. 3. Pendimethalin, metolachlor, linuron, methabenzthiazuron 등은 추천약량(推薦藥量)까지는 작기종료(作期終了)와 동시에 안전하나 배량처리(倍量處理)가 될때에는 그 약제(藥劑)에 감수성작물(感受性作物)의 생육(生育)에는 영향(影響)이 있었다. 4. Napropamide는 동작(冬作)에 처리(處理)시 150-300ga.i/10a 약량(藥量) 처리시(處理時)에는 작기 종료후(終了後)에도 후작물(後作物) 중 화본과(禾本科)인 IR, 직파벼, 보리등에는 영향(影響)이 있었으나 담수하(湛水下) 이앙(移秧)벼에 대한 영향(影響)은 없었고, 십자화과, 호로과, 가지과작물(作物) 등에도 영향(影響)이 없었다. 5. 대표적으로 잔효(殘效)가 긴 nitralin은 동작(冬作)에서는 275일후(日後)에도 화본과(禾本科)인 IR, 벼, 보리, 담수하(湛水下) 이앙(移秧)벼에는 75ga.i./10a약량(藥量)에서도 생육억제(生育抑制)가 있었고, 그이외 참깨, 들깨, 시금치 등의 생육(生育)에도 약간의 영향(影響)이 있었으나 십자화과, 호로과, 가지과 등에 대한 영향(影響)은 적었다.

• 한국잡초학회지
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• 제4권1호
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• pp.69-78
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• 1984

주요(主要) 밭작물(作物) 및 잡초별(雜草別) 제초제(除草劑) 반응성(反應性)을 검토(檢討)하여 유효(有效)한 제초제(除草劑)를 선발(選拔)하고, 멀칭재배조건하(栽培條件下) 제초제(除草劑) 난해원인(欒害原因)을 구명(究明)하고자 실험(實驗)을 실시(實施)하였다. 1. Napropamide, alachlor, trifluralin 및 nitrofen에 내성(耐性)을 보인 작물(作物)은 무, 배추, 콩, 땅콩 및 아욱이었다. 2. Napropamide, diphenamide 및 alachlor는 고추, 가지 및 토마토에 안전(安全)한 약제(藥劑)이었고, trifluralin, nitrofen 및 chlornitrofen은 수박, 당근과 상추 약해(藥害)없이 사용(使用)할 수 있었다. 3. 공시약제(供試藥劑) 모두에 대(對)해서 가장 내성(耐性)이 큰 잡초(雜草)는 냉이었다. 4. 여뀌는 napropamide와 alachlor로 방제(防除)할 수 없었으며, 쇠비름은 diphenamide에 명아주는 alachlor에 대(對)한 저항성(抵抗性) 초종(草種)이었다. 5. 공시약제중(供試藥劑中) 요소계(尿素系)인 methabenzthiazuron, linuron 및 isoproturon은 공시작물(供試作物)에 큰 약해(藥害)를 나타내었지만, 잡초(雜草)에 대(對)한 방제효과면(防除效果面)에서는 화본과(禾本科)보다는 광엽작초(廣葉雜草)에 더 큰 효과(效果)를 나타내었다. 아욱은 isoproturon에, 당근은 linuron에 대(對)하여 내약성(耐藥性)을 나타내었다. 6. 땅콩포장에 있어서 공시(供試)4종제초제(種除草劑) 모두 멀칭재배조건(栽培條件)이 무(無)멀칭에서 보다 심(甚)한 약해(藥害)룰 나타내었다. 공시(供試) dinitrioaniline계(系) 제초제(除草劑)들의 약해(藥害)는 멀칭후(後) 휘발(揮發)된 약제(藥劑)를 제거(除去)함으로써 감소(減少)되었다. 7. 땅콩포장의 멀칭 재배조건하(栽培條件下)에서 alachlor는 가장 적은 약해(藥害)를 보였고, dinitroaniline계(系) 제초제중(除草劑中)에서는 nitraline, pendimethalin, trifluralin 순(順)으로 약해(藥害)가 증가(增加)하였다.

• 대한한방내과학회지
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• 제31권4호
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• pp.792-812
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• 2010

In the 18th century, Xu Lingtai (徐靈胎) and Yoshimasu Todo (吉益東洞) were famous doctors advocating ancient medicine, though they lived in different countries, China and Japan. We compared their major books, analyzed their academic thoughts and then took conclusions as below. 1. The first, for instance "Classified Prescriptions of Treatise on Cold Damage Diseases, 傷寒論類方" and "Classified Assemblage of Prescriptions, 類聚方". Based on essential thought that a prescription and a syndrome should correspond, these books arranged and classified the Zhang Zhongjing (張仲景)'s texts."Classified Prescriptions of Treatise on Cold Damage Diseases", based on the thought that principles, methods, formulas and medicinals (理法方藥) were integrated in prescriptions, tried to find out the implicit treatment rules in prescriptions and syndromes through analyzing "Treatise on Cold Damage Diseases, 傷寒論". On the other hand, because Classified Assemblage of Prescriptions focused on the syndromes of ancient prescriptions (古方), it classified and collected the related texts of Treatise on Cold Damage Diseases and "Synopsis of Prescriptions of the Golden Chamber, 금궤요략", and then suggested only simple instructions on how to prescribe medicine. So in this book, the trend of experience was clear. 2. The second, there is "100 Kinds Records from Shennong's Classic of Materia Medica, 神農本草經百種錄" and "Description work of herbal pharmacology comprised of excerpts from Shanhanlun and medical experiences, 藥徵". Though both of these books are professional oriental pharmacology publications that advocate reactionism, there were remarkable differences in writing style between them. "Description work of herbal pharmacology comprised of excerpts from Shanhanlun and medical experiences" was based on "Treat on Cold Damage Diseases" and "Synopsis of Prescriptions of the Golden Chamber", just explained the effects of medications and discussed 'matter of course (所當然)', but not discussed 'the reason why (所以然)'. In explaining style of syndromes, it confirmed through research, and emphasized the inductive method. On the other hand, "100 Kinds Records from Shennong's Classic of Materia Medica based on "Shennong's Classic of Materia Medica, 神農本草經", explained the nature of medications and discussed 'the reason why (所以然)'. In explaining style of syndromes, it annotated and explained, and emphasized the process of reasoning. 3. The third, there is "Discuss the Headwaters of Medicine, 醫學源流論" and Severance of Medical evils, 醫斷". Aiming the then medical theories fallen in confused state, these books brought order out of chaos, clarified the categories of medical research, and emphasized the scientific method that could put theories into practice and verify them. The difference is that "Severance of Medical Evils" researched only macroscopic viewable clinical phenomena, and even denied the existence of names of diseases and etiological causes. Thus, it emphasized the accumulation of experiences, laid emphasis on "watching and realizing (目認)", and "understand and taking in (解悟)". Discuss the Headwaters of Medicine extremely emphasized the research of 'something not occuring (未然)', that is to say, induced notions of a disease from observing clinical phenomena, furthermore based on these, predicted the 'something not occuring (未然)' and emphasized researching 'the reason why (所以然)'. As regards how they deal with the traditional theories and post-Zhang Zhongjing's medicines, "Severance of Medical evils" took completely denying attitudes. In case of "Discuss the Headwaters of Medicine", it could be used reasonably through specific situation and detailed analysis. Collectively speaking, there were some differences between medical theories of Xu Lingtai and Yoshimasu Todo. Actually, these differences were whether he tried to research the essence of disease, whether he tried to consider it rationally, and how he treated various opinions occurring in the theories of traditional medicine and clinical experience.

• 한국지구과학회지
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• 제21권3호
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• pp.349-358
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• 2000

충남 일원에 분포하는 초염기성 암석과 이에 수반되는 각섬암, 편암, 편마암에 대해 탄성파 및 밀도가 실험실에서 측정되었다. 밀도측정 결과 사문암은 2.6${\sim}$2.86g/cm$^3$, 활석은 2.25${\sim}$2.81g/cm$^3$, 변성암류는 2.74${\sim}$3.07g/cm$^3$의 범위를 갖는다. 이 결과 활석은 사문암으로부터의 변성과정으로 사문암 및 각섬암보다 넓은 범위를 보였다. P파와 S파의 속도는 사문암에서 각각 5719${\sim}$6062m/s, 2898${\sim}$3351m/s 이고, 활석에서 4019${\sim}$5478m/s, 2241/${\sim}$2976m/s, 각섬암에서 5375${\sim}$6372m/s, 3042${\sim}$3625m/s, 편암에서 5290${\sim}$5499m/s, 2968${\sim}$3137m/s, 편마암에서 4788m/s, 2804m/s를 보였다. P파의 속도는 밀도가 증가함에 따라 S파의 속도보다 1.47배 빠르게 증가하였다. 탄성파 속도와 밀도 사이에 비례관계가 성립하며, 특히 밀도에 따른 P파 속도 증가율이 S파 속도증가율보다 약 1.47배 크게 나타났다. 탄성파속도의 이방분석결과 편리와 직각 방향의 속도값이 평행방향의 값보다 높았는데, 특히 변성암이 더 큰 차이를 보이는바, 이는 변성암의 형성이 지체구조성 압력의 영향으로 인한 광역변성작용에 의한 것임을 시사한다. 압력의 변화에 따른 탄성파속도 변화분석 결과 대체로 압력이 20 MPa에서 70 MPa로 증가함에 따라 변성암의 탄성파속도 증가가 다른 암석에 비하여 크게 나타났다. 재계산된 탄성파속도는 각섬암이 이 지역 하부 지각에 대한 탄성파 특성을, 편마암류 및 편암은 상부지각 암석의 탄성파 특성을 지시한다고 생각된다. 한편 사문암의 측정치는 높은 사문암화 정도를 반영하기는 하지만 상부 맨틀의 암석에 대한 탄성파의 특성을 지시한다 볼 수 있다.

• The Journal of Korean Physical Therapy
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• 제9권1호
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• pp.1-18
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• 1997

The purpose of this study is to investigate the effects of the low power Helium Neon-Infra Red(HeNe-IR) laser and the special electromagnetic therapeutic apparatus stimulation, which is usually designated as TDP by using the initial of Tending Diancibo Pu which is the Chinese inscribed with English, on wound healing in rat. The seventy-five Sprague-Dawley adult female and male rats were assigned to the experimental and control groups. Each rat was anesthetized with pentobarbital sodium, and three full-thickness incisions with 12mm length wert made on the back of the half cf the rats and three deep second degree burns were made on the back of the remainder of the rats. From 34 hours after being injured, the rats of the experimental laser group were irradiated with the 157mW electric power HeNe-IR laser for 2 minutes every day and the rats of the experimental TDP group were stimulated with TDP irradiation with the 4km spot distance for 20 minutes every day during the 17 days. The rats were sacrificed and the wound parts of its were incised on the first day, 4th day, 7th day, 10th day and 17th day respectively after the beginning of wound treatment with laser and TDP irradiation. The incised wound parts were processed appropriately for the light microscopic and electron microscopic examination. The length of incised wound was measured with microcaliper before the wound part was incised. There was a significant decrease in the length of the incised wound of the experimental laser and TDP group, compared with that of control group at 4th day, 7th day and 10th day(p<0.01) after surgery. Through the histological examination of the wound site, the more rapid epithelialization and collagen formation in experimental groups were showed, compared with control group. The histological results were analyzed and summarized as the follows; The epidermis begins to be regenerated and the granulation tissue begins to be changed to the mature pattern in the H-E stained incised skin of the laser and TDP treatment group on the 4th day. The epidermis shows the complete regeneration and the granulation tissue in the dermis in mostly to be matured in the laser and TDP treatment group on the 7th day, compared with control group. The chronic inflammatory cells are oberved and the necrosis of the collagen fibers are partially observed in control group on the 10th day. The dermis of the laser and TOP treatment group reveals relatively compactly arranged collgen bundles with the mature collagen fibers on the 10th day. The epidermis and dennis of the laser and TDP group are repaired normally and the hair follicles are well regenerated on the 17th day. The mild edema and the granulation tissue is observed in the dermis of the control groups and the delayed treatment process is observed on the 17th day. The Most of proliferated collagen fibrils are found to be compact and regular in electron micrograph of burn skin of the laser treatment group on the 10th day hut the interstitial eadema and some inflammatory cells are found in the control group. The above results suggest that through the visual and histological examination the epithelized epithelium and the proliferation of the collagen liters in the dermis occur very effectively with the low power laser treatment and the TDP treatment in the incised wound healing and the burn wound healing.

• 환경위생공학
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• 제22권3호
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• pp.1-12
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• 2007

본 연구는 인천항으로 유입되는 휴대농산물의 안전성 확보를 위하여 휴대량 초과로 인천본부세관에 유치되는 농산물 등을 검사하였다. 수거 검체는 건고추절편 또는 고춧가루, 곡류, 종실류, 콩류, 견과류, 한약재원료, 참기름 등 총 293건을 대상으로, 품목별로 잔류농약, 곰팡이수, 타르색소, 수단색소 I, II, III, IV, 아플라톡신, 납, 카드뮴, 수은, 비소, 잔류이산화황 분석을 실시하였다. 1. 건고추절편 또는 고춧가루는 잔류농약 동시다성분분석, 곰팡이수, 타르색소, 수단색소 I, II, III, IV 검사를 실시하였고 이중 곰팡이수와 타르색소에서 부적합이 있었다. 2. 종실류는 타르색소 검사에서 불검출이었고, 콩류와 견과류의 아플라톡신 검사결과도 불검출이었다. 3. 곡류는 납, 카드뮴, 수은의 중금속 검사와 흑미의 경우 타르색소 검사를 추가하였고, 쌀 2건, 찹쌀, 율무, 조에서 각 1건씩 납 기준을 초과하였다. 4. 한약재 원료는 납, 카드뮴, 수은, 비소, 잔류이산화황 검사에서 대추 2건과 건강 3건에서 잔류이산화황이 기준을 초과하였고, 건강 1건에서 카드뮴이 부적합하였다. 5. 추석 전에 대거 유입된 참기름의 규격검사 결과는 모두 적합한 것으로 나타났다. 6. 총 293건의 휴대농산물 가운데 건고추 절편 또는 고춧가루 78건, 곡류 5건, 한약재 5건 등 88건에서 규격기준을 초과하여 30% 부적합율을 나타내었다. 시험항목 중에서는 곰팡이수 부적합 76건, 타르색소 1 건, 곰팡이수와 타르색소 동시부적합 1건, 납 5건, 잔류이산화황 4건, 잔류이산화황과 카드뮴 동시부적합 1건으로 나타났다. 7. 중금속 측정결과는 곡류에서 $Pb\;0.000{\sim}0.740mg/kg(0.191{\pm}0.209),\;Cd\;0.000{\sim}0.108mg/kg(0.007{\pm}0.020),\;Hg\;0.000{\sim}4.201mg/kg(0.162{\pm}0.319)$으로 나타났으며, 한약재원료에서는 $Pb\;0.000{\sim}2.480mg/kg(1.130{\pm}0.730),\;Cd\;0.000{\sim}0.761mg/kg(0.044{\pm}0.122),\;Hg\;0.000{\sim}0.157mg/kg(0.022{\pm}0.033),\;As\;0.000{\sim}0.560mg/kg(0.040{\pm}0.082)$, 잔류이산화황은 $2.0{\sim}1459.4ppm(303.1{\pm}324.2)$으로 나타났다.

• 복식
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• 제26권
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• pp.175-206
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• 1995

The costume culture of China is as old and varied as her long history. As China is a multiracial nation and consists of fifty-six min-ority races including Han race, there are not only fifty-six different costumes in China but each races' costume habit is very different. Therefore, Chinese penninsula can be considered an enor-mous exhibition center of the costumes. This study undertook on the assumption that the costumes' mainstream of Korea and east-northern Asia as well as that of China could be examined by investigating the minority races' costumes in the east-and west-northern areas of China. The process of evolution of the costume of a particular people, country or area is subject not only to constraints related to geography such as climate, topography or local products but is also affected by numorous environmental influences including cultural, economic, social and even pol-itical ones in terms of the selection of material, styling, color and standard of tailoring. In other words, things like philosophy of life, religious be-lief, aesthetic outlook, moral code, class system, degree of affluence, and cultural exchange will all be reflected directly or indirectly by features of a people's or country's style costume. Of course, there are several factors affecting to the style of costume of the minority people in China. However, the only three factors-geo-graphical and environmental, production method, and religious belef-will be touched in this study. First of all, the geograghical and eenviron-mental factor would be the decisive one because the costume should be designed to overcome the constraints of climate and geographical environ-ments. Accordingly, each race has an unique style of costume. The costume of the minority races in the northern parts are loose and wide, and made of warm furs. For instance, Mongolian robe has the quality of anti-wind, anti-cold and warmness, and the width of a sleeve is narrow and long. Secondly, the costume style can be said to be limited by the production pattern, when the geo-graphical environment was affected to decide the costume style, the production pattern was together affected to it . In case of Mongolian robe, they should satisfy the dual condition as the practical function. One is the condition that they should be fitted to the climate, and the other is the condition that they should be suit-able to the nomadic life. Mongolian robes are suitable to the nomadic peoples because they are designed for not only overcoming the cold wind and weather but being used as the bedquit at night. The costumes of Hoche people was made of the skin of the fish and wild animals because of their main means of living being fishing and hunting. Accordingly, their costumes are dur-able, warm and water-proof. Finally, the style of the costume is affected by the religious belief. In other words, the pattern in fashion is closely related with the religious be-lief or ancestor worship and nature worship. Ac-cordingly, the symbols of these worship are often emerged in the decoration of the costume. The design of costume of the people in the northern areas of China is very simple. It is related with their monotheism. On the other hand, the costumes of twen쇼 minority races in the east-northern parts of China can be devided into three racial groups such as the long robes of Man people and Mongols, Tunics of the peoples in the west-northern areas, and the pants and jackets of Hoche people. The minorority races all has not only the unique costume habit but their costumes are also related with their living style and production means.

• 복식
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• 제35권
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• pp.45-66
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• 1997

This thesis is a study on the kaftan styles iin Asia. The purpose of he study was to examine the origin o the kaftan concentrating on the history and cultural backgrounds of nomads in he Western Central and North Eastern Asia. Secondly for more thorough study and expla-nation on how these kaftans contributed to East-West trade along the silk road. wall paintings and miniature illuminations along Oasis roads persia and Saracen period were compared, Also real kaftans were compared and analyzed the characteristics of Western (Turkey palestine) Central(Kazakistan Uz-bekistan Tadzhistan Qyrgyztan Turkmenistan) and the North Eastern Asian(Mongol) area. Thirdly an attempt has been made to provide the North Eastern Asian(Mongol) area. Thirdly an attempt has been made to provide the style classifications according to their peculiarities of the various kaftans as well as how kaftan gave important influences on custumes of different religious sects. The kaftan is a long coat-like garment with front openings fastened with long sash having an extra long sleeves which were worn by middle and high class nomadics throughout the West Central and North Eastern Asia This type of kaftans were a basic clothing for nomadics since they were constantly moving fromone to another areas on their horse back riding. They also wore tight trousers with boots. Kaftans seem to be originated from nomads of Steppe around B.C. 800 On B. C 400 west asian areas such as Solokha Kul-oba Kulogan had pictures sculptues on vases showing kaftans of half coat type length with front opening tied with band. Also the materials used were the products of animals such as wool or felt with animal designs showing Scythian nomads. In the North Eastern Asia Hsiung-Nu were active in Kazakha North Altai and Mongol The Clothing and fabrics exfavated near Noin-ula Pazyrik showed many samples of kaftan with trousers with other interment be-longings with a corpse around B.C 300 to A. D 100 when trades along the silk roads were proven by many historians Kaftans excavated in this area wore red front opening silk materials which suggesting settling down of nomads. in he central Asia Dol-gull near Altai mountain area were mainly miners who later had many trades with Persia and Bizantine. After Dol-gull Bezeklik temple Samarkant Kizil cow Budda sculture wall paintings of Astana tomb showed typical kaftan of this re-gion. These were both hip covered length as well as long coat with narrow sleeves. Es-pecially they had different color band fron the main kaftan with grogeously and splendously designed silk. In perusia during A. D 1400 to 1600 minia-ture illumination showed kaftan as a high class symbol more than clothing purpose. They had best quality silk with extra long sleeves draping and had a layers of kaftans one on top of anther as a symbol of wealth These Kaftans with different colors and designs were even more beautiful with their effective combinations and contrast of colors. On the other hand the lower class common people and servants wore simple kaftan with the front part of the kaftan were slipped into the belt in order to be more active and con-venient to work, The real kaftans discovered at Topkapi Saray palace of Turkey from A. D 1300 to 1900 were also compared. These kaftans were very numerous in numbers as well as designs The materials and designs used were also vari-ous such as Chinese to Italian silk. The shaped and pattern itself were not much different from the previous nomad's Kaftans. The Palestian kaftans remained were from the beginning of 19th and 20th century. Since this area is hot and dry desert they used black and navy blue colors mostly in order to exclude the sun lights. The patterns used were similar to Nomads and Bedouin with cross stiches and patch work decorations. In the central Asia they had similar life style and natural environmental cnditions with Turkish tribe which resulted in similar kaftan styles as nomads. Mongols conserved basic patterns of kaftan since Cinggis Khan with deep folding in order to keep warm. At last the kaftans studided in this thesis were classified in to four such as half coat long coat jacket and vest style. A pattern used in the Central Asia were zigzag and ani-mal design whereas in the West Asia were floral plant arabesk and circle pattern. As I discussed previously kaftan styles of nomads in the Asia maintained its basic pat-tern throughout the history except slight changes in color gusset sleeve shapes. These slight changes were made according to the need to adapt the need of environmental natu-ral conditions, The reason for aboriginality of kaftan in Asia was its simplicity and con-venience Most interesting fact is that for all these years Mongols are still wearing kaftan in their life ensuring us that they art the preserves of old kaftan. Since this thesis dealt enormous Asian regions I had a limitation of not being able to cover the Far Esatern asian areas such as Korea China and Japan how these kaftans were influenced in their clothing history as well as Eastern and Western culture. This topic along with the studies on materials and designs of patterns of kaftan will be another research project in the future.