• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
• /
• v.66 no.1
• /
• pp.42-57
• /
• 2016

The Tibetan people are an ethnic group that is native to Tibet who have adapted to the region's harsh climate and environment, and developed their own culture. Religion played a central role in maintaining its traditional culture and society in the history. The objective of this study is to understand Tibetan costume and religion, and examine patterns that appear on the costume to study their religious symbolism. The significance of this study lies in explaining the symbolisms of the patterns that appear on the costume in terms of cultural maintenance and change. Based on literature review, I summarized the data about Tibet's environment, history and religion, and divided the residential district into three: ${\ddot{U}}$-Tsang, Amdo, Khamba. Then, I organized each region's characteristics and clothes, and studied Tibetan Buddhism (Vajrayana) costumes and features of the patterns that appear on the costumes. Through combining these data, I would like to examine the religious symbolism of the costume pattern of Tibet. Buddhism is at the heart of cultural and social maintenance and change in Tibet, and the patterns shown in the costume is influenced mostly from Buddhism. The features of general Tibetan costume vary with the region and life style, but the patterns that appear on the costume are used over a wide area to represent good luck and the spread of Buddhist teachings. The costumes for religious rites vary with religious sects, but most of the patterns are commonly used. The symbolism of pattern is a form of figure that represents the human psyche and physical world. The symbolism of pattern implies meanings such as compensation or futuristic wish. First, the lucky omen normally means long life, happiness and peace, and means religious salvation in Buddhist perspective. Second, warding off evil spirits normally means avoiding misfortune, and means dignity and self-protection, and protection of Buddhadharma in Buddhist perspective.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.20 no.3
• /
• pp.21-32
• /
• 1992

This paper is studied on the concept of environmental cognition on accordance with the oriental(especially Buddhism) process of thinking. The Yeongiron(theroy : one of th most famous philosophy of Buddhism, the theory of cause and occasion) consists of the upgam-yeongi, the aroeyasik-yeongi, the chinyeo-yeongi and the pupkye-yeongi. And the concept of these theory are as follows: The conceptural elements of upgam-yeongi consist of sack(色), soo(受), sand(想), hand(行), sik(識). The elements connects with the western environmental psychology such as sack and objects, soo and stimuli, sand and perception, hand and cognition, sik and behavior. Similarly, aroeyasik-yeongi that consist of sangbun(相分), kyunbun(見分), chajungbun(自證分), chungjajungbun(證自證分) connects with objects, perception, cognition, behavior too. The chinyeo-yeongi divide into smase(三細) and yukchu(육추), the samse consist of mumyungupsang(無 明業相), nungyunsand(能見相), kyungyesand(境界相) and the yukchu consist of chisang(智相), sangsoksang(相續相), chipchisang(執取相), kyemyungjasang(計明字相), kiupsang(起業相), upgyegosang(業繫苦相). These elements are relates with the concept of western environmental psychology from objects to behavior too. Pupkye-yeongi represent a characteristic of objects itself rather than a process of environmental cognition. However this study has limitations that the religion and scientific methods should be compare. sack(色) : an elements of it's derivation, all kinds of material soo(受) : a function of reception, feeling sang(想) : a representation of a thought in the mind hang(行) : mental operation sik(識) : a function of judgement sangbun(相分) : the thing in itself kyunbun(見分) : a reflection in the mind chajungbun(自證分) : confirmation of kyunbun chungjajungbyn(證自證分) : self-consciousness through self-examination mumyungupsang(無明業相) : a state of mixture with the object and the subject nungyunsang(能見相) : an operation of the subject kyungyesang(境界相) : a formation of object chisang(智相) : the beginning of distinction sangsoksang(相續相) : a judgement chipchisang(執取相) : a rsponse kiupsang(起業相) : have a influence to the next behavior upgyegosang(業界苦相) : retribution

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
• /
• no.52
• /
• pp.243-280
• /
• 2017

To the mid 19th from the early 20th century, there were many movements about religion in Korea society. Protestant which first flew in 1885 grew up greatly and Confucianism of traditional thought sought for religionization to survive. At once new religions named Korea ethnical religion appeared. They are Donghak(東學), Daejonggyo(大倧敎), Jeungsangyo(甑山敎) and Won-Buddhism. Generally speaking, these ethnical religions deeply relates with Korea original mental culture. In this paper, I want to infer that these religions have Korea origin metal culture. The first, I will consider some traditional thoughts of (1) worshiping of Heaven, (2) practice and (3) harmony from traditional (religious) ceremonies and thoughts. Ans then I will infer how these traditional thoughts from origin mental culture appear in ethnical religions of Donghak(東學), Won-Buddhism(圓佛敎), and Jeungsangyo(甑山敎).

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.29
• /
• pp.141-170
• /
• 2017

In this paper, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those which appear in Daesoon Thought. Specifically, I will compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko (震黙祖師遺蹟攷, A Study on the Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk) and those from the Jeongyeong (典經), and then study the differences between the two sources. In chapter two, I approach Jinmuk's thought as conveyed in the Jinmukjosayujeokko by examining four points. The first point is that Jinmuk is a transformation-body (an incarnation) of Sakyamuni (釋迦牟尼) Buddha. In the preface of the Jinmukjosayujeokko, Choui (艸衣) says that Jinmuk is a transformation-body of Sakyamuni Buddha. The second point is the spirit of unobstructed action (無礙行), the third point is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between meditative and doctrinal approaches (禪敎一致), and the fourth is the spirit of the fundamental congruence between Confucianism and Buddhism (儒佛一致). In chapter three, I study on the viewpoints which can be derived from Jinmuk tales in Daesoon Thought, and compare the Jinmuk tales from the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong. The Jinmuk tales from the Jeongyeong can be characterized by the Daesoon concepts 'Cheonji Gongsa (天地公事, The Reordering Works of Heaven and Earth)' and 'Haewon Sangsang (解冤相生, The Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficience)'. This is the key difference between the Jinmuk tales from Korean Buddhism and those from Daesoon Thought. If I compare the common subject matter of the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosa yujeokko and the Jeongyeong, the Jinmuk tales from these two sources likewise contain differences. Why do these differences occur? I will explain these differences based on Mircea Eliade's approach to mythology. Eliadian theory posits that myths contain the desires of those who deliver the myths. If I explain the difference between the Jinmuk tales in the Jinmukjosayujeokko and the Jeongyeong based on Eliade's theory, Buddhism has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect Buddhist values, whereas Daesoon Thought has Jinmuk tales composed to reflect the values of Daesoon Thought. As Korean Buddhism and Daesoon Thought promote different values, they thereby have different Jinmuk tales.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
• /
• v.16 no.3
• /
• pp.155-165
• /
• 2013

Koreans' traditional view on death has been much influenced by Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism, and shamanism since ancient times. Confucianism emphasizes the importance of the real life in this world and highly praises doing good deeds for the family and the community. It also praises people who are enlightened by education and self-discipline. Confucian scholars admit that death cannot be understood by rational thinking although it is unavoidable as a cosmic order. Taoism sees life as the same entity as death; Both are two different aspects of the same cosmos or the wholeness. However, the disciples of Taoism became much interested in a long life and well being that may be achieved by harmonizing with the cosmic order. Buddhism thinks that death and life are an "illusion". It says that people can be enlightened by recognizing the fact that "Nothing is born and nothing is dying in this world. Everything is the product of your mind occupied with false belief." However, secular Buddhists believe in the afterlife and metempsychosis of the soul. This belief is sometimes connected with the view of the traditional shamanism. Shamanism dichotomizes the world between "this world" and "that world". After death, the person's soul travels to "that world", where it may influence life of people who reside in "this world". And shamans who are spiritual beings living in "this world" mediate souls and living people. In conclusion, there are various views and beliefs regarding death, which are influenced by a number of religions and philosophies. They should be seriously considered when making a medical decision regarding the end of patients' life.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.20 no.5
• /
• pp.81-94
• /
• 2011

Buddhism that has arisen in India began to build the Stupa to enshrine body and Sari of Buddha as an object of worship. The stupa existed as a tome of holy leaders even before the birth of Buddha, which was called stupa or tupa in the Sanskrit and the Pali, the ancient language of India. The stupa was renamed accordingly in each Buddhism transmitted countries such as Ceylon, Tibet, Nepal, Myanmar, Thailand and China and also reshaped according to their own formative style. But its original meaning and type are kept unchanged. The stupa was established in the 4 holy places including the birth place of Buddha, the place where Buddha found enlightenment, the place where Buddha preached for the first time, and the place where Buddha died. Thus, a pagoda to commemorate holy ancient places is called Chaitya, which became differentiated from the stupa in which Sari is enshrined. The stupa means Nirvana, the eternal body of Buddha, and also a place filled with teaching and preaching of Buddhism. It signifies the symbol of Buddha who escaped from the death and rebirth, to achieve complete extinction, i.e. parinirvana, and to reach ultimate eternal world, rather than simply means death. During the non-statue of th Buddha period, people built the stupa to embody Nirvana of the Buddha, and worshipped the tomb where body of holy saints was enshrined. On the other hand, they also sanctified memorial things such as tools that holy saints used, the Bo tree under which one achieved Nirvana, Dharma cakra that implied words, footprint that carried out mission work, and a way to reach to heaven.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.12 no.4 s.36
• /
• pp.7-26
• /
• 2003

This article works on the development process of the Buddhist Temple with two pagodas in the Eastern Asia. in 7-8th centuries. This study was motivated from the observation that why there are many the Buddhist Temple having two pagodas only around the late 7th century, roughly around 670 A.D.. This period corresponds to the Silla Dynasty(in Korean History) and Hakuho Period(in Japan History) among the Eastern Asia while the composition of the temple being changed as Buddhism spreads out from China. The results of this study are the followings. The appearance of the Buddhist Temple having two pagodas was resulted from the representation of the Ideology in Botabpum(dogma of pagoda security) of the Saddharmapundarika Sutra, that is to say, two Buddhas sit side by side and iconography of Esoteric Buddhism dogma supports the spirit for defending one's country. Buddhist Temple having two pagodas in China had separate tab-won(areas with pagodas outer temple building block). Buddhist Temple having two pagodas in Korea had begun with sacheunwangsa temple in Unified-Silla. But it had two pagodas with inner temple area instead of outer. This was different from the composition of China. It can be related to the layout of the temple haying two pagodas in East-Jin(in China History) and the sculpture of two pagodas in Ungang-stonecave(in China). Thus the layout of the Buddhist Temple having two pagodas in Silla had been originated from that of China, but was developed to the main temple layout on her own accord. As Japanese Temple having two pagodas had been influenced diplomatically, it had two pagodas inner area as like the layout in Shilla. But later under the influence of Tang it was modified to the layout having them in separate area. And this influence can be seen for example Tangchojaesa temple. For the more, We call see that the diplomatic trends according to the policies in East asia affected to Buddhism and then naturally also to the layout of the Buddhist Temple.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
• /
• v.7 no.4
• /
• pp.48-64
• /
• 2001

In the dissertation, Bibos are discussed as landscape features in the geographical context of Youngnam Region. The bibo tradition in Youngnam Region began with the incorporation of temple structures in Shilla and Kaya kingdoms, and spread throughout the country during the period of Unified Shilla. In Korea Dynasty, the diffusion of temple Bibo gained momentum, because Buddhism was worshipped as national religion. Then came a sea change in the Bibo repertoire with the replacement of Buddhism by Confucianism as an ideological prop for Chason Korea. The retreat of Buddhism led to the popularization of feng-shui motifs in Bibo strategy. The centers of the diffusion of the logic of bibo were major towns such as Kyongju, Ahndong, Sangju, and Chinju. The diffusion process continued top-down to mid-sized towns, and to the bottom of small villages. What sustained the hierarchical diffusion of Bibo attributes was myriad of transportation lines. The main artery of the diffusion in Korea Dynasty was that connecting Kaegyong to Kyongju. That same function was performed by the royal road running from Seoul through Sangju, Milyang, and to Tongrae. In the age of modernization, the feng-shui and Bibo landscapes have lost their original aura. They have suffered from the ruthless attacks of the Enlightenment logic of science. However, the elan vital of feng-shui and Bibo are still visible and strongly felt in the countryside. From field experiences, one can notice that the Bibo landscapes are tightly integrated into the rural way of life. The durability of the traditional geomancy shows us the beauty of the harmonious interplay between Youngnam people and the nature.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.40
• /
• pp.155-185
• /
• 2022

The purpose of this study is to compare death the Korean Buddhist understanding of death with that of Daesoon Jinrihoe. Various concepts, including reincarnation (輪廻), myeongbu (冥府, 'the postmortem offices' or 'afterworld') and the Ten Kings (十王) of the afterworld are used to explain views on death in both religions. However, these concepts differ not only in their content and categorization, but also in terms of the meaning they occupy within the doctrines of each religion. In other words, although many similarities can be found between Buddhism and Daesoon Jinrihoe's concept of reincarnation, at the same time, differences between them can also be pointed out. The differences include the period of time between one's death and reincarnation and also the importance of reliance upon other people or divine powers during the reincarnation process. With regard to ideas involving myŏngbu, there are far more differences than similarities. Both Buddhism and Daesoon Jinrihoe shares a similar notion of an afterlife judgment presided over by the Ten Kings. However, many differences can be found when it comes to Daesoon Jinrihoe other view of myŏngbu, known as 'myeongbu gongsa (the Reordering Works of Myeongbu).' These works are considered to be of great doctrinal importance in Daesoon Jinrihoe. Therefore, the concepts of reincarnation and myeongbu that appear in both traditions should not be considered identical and need to be redefined accordingly in comparative contexts. In other words, the concepts of reincarnation, myeongbu, and the Ten Kings as they appear in the Daesoon Thought should first be differentiated from their counterparts found in Buddhism and then be redefined in the context of the new and independent system of thought in which they exist. These concepts should then be applied to broader theoretical discourse on religion.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
• /
• v.41
• /
• pp.179-217
• /
• 2022

Concerning the differences in the tales between the Investigation of Historical Remains of Patriarch Jinmuk (hereafter, IHRPJ), as well as those which appear in Jeungsanist Thought and Daesoon Thought, previous studies view such differences as Jeungsan's intentional modification of the original intent of the narratives or as indicating differences in beliefs and values. This style of interpretation seeks to reconcile both Korean Buddhism and Jeungsanist and Daesoon Thought based on the premise that the former and the latter two exhibit differences in values. This study accepts the above view of the differences in description according to values. However, the differences between the tales of Jinmuk that appears in IHRPJ versus those in The Canonical Scripture can be approached from a new perspective, i.e., the differences that exist between literary and oral traditions; rather than only stemming from potential differences in the world views espoused by Buddhism and Daesoon Thought. These refer to the IHRPJ, which was constructed first as literary narratives in the 19th century; however, there was also folklore that had been handed down from the 18th century. As a result of examining the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok via this interpretive horizon, the contents of the IHRPJ are found to reflect the values and intentions of the intellectual class, such those held by Master Cho-ui and Kim Ki-jong, whereas oral traditions can be seen as a reflection of the hopes of the people of the late Joseon Dynasty. Jeungsan should also be interpreted as having utilized folklore in his teachings. Meanwhile, the circumstances and intentions behind publishing the IHRPJ are analyzed in the context of the text's historical background and the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism during the 16th through 19th centuries. In particular, through the Compilations of Wandang and the collection of writings of Buddhist monastics, I have evaluated that Confucianism needed to purify and correct materials according to the ideology of the times in order to promote a spirit of morality and courtesy. Likewise, Buddhist Master Cho-Ui also embellished records to benefit Buddhism and deleted oral records that could harm the reputation of Buddhism. On the other hand, when viewing Records of Shrine Renovation and existing oral traditions, it can be shown that some Jinmuk tales existed in the 18 th century which were not included in the IHRPJ. Thereby, Jeungsan's description of Jinmuk tales can be reappraised as accepting the oral secular tradition that conveyed the wishes of the people. In other words, compared to the IHRPJ, which reflects only the harmonious content of Confucianism and Buddhism due to political and social factors, The Canonical Scripture reflects oral traditions that were widespread during the late Joseon Dynasty. As evidence, it can be suggested that there are many narratives about the relationship between Jinmuk and Bonggok that center on Bonggok's jealousy and the murder of Jinmuk. Jeungsan aimed to encompass people of all classes according to their minds and wills rather than their political positions or statuses. Therefore, Jeungsan did not need to rewrite the narrative content that had been passed down via oral tradition. Instead he embraced those narratives as a projection of the voices of the people.