• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.33
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• pp.227-251
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• 2006

The Law Ensuring the Freedom and the Functions of Liability of the Newspapers ("The Newspaper Law") which was passed in the National Assembly on January 1, 2005 is considered as a tremendous setback compared to "the Newspaper Bill" of civil press organizations. Of the two instruments to ensure the editorial freedom, the regulation on the newspaper company ownership share distribution was eliminated and the editorial committee (editorial codes of ethics) became an arbitrary system. That is, the Newspaper Law was criticized as a law of "half-success." However, the Newspaper Law has its own benefit by institutionalizing the establishment of the Korea Commission for the Press, the Press Fund, and the Korea Newspaper Circulation Service for Promoting Newspaper Businesses and by strengthening the criteria to estimate market dominant businesspeople in newspaper market than general markets to ensure the diversity of public opinions. As the Newspaper Law was promulgated, Donga-Ilbo and Chosun-Ilbo submitted the Constitutional Petition against "the Newspaper Law" and the Constitutional Court is expected to give the decision soon. Based on the "Supplements on the Grounds of the Constitutional Petition against the Newspaper Law" ("the Petition"), this paper will examine the main issues of the debates over the Constitutionality of the Newspaper Law.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.189-224
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• 2017

The case of 'Paik Jong-moon's Taped Conversation,' has presented "an important and serious challenge to the freedom of the press and democracy" in South Korea. Nevertheless, this case has not been reported by the mainstream news media. It has also been forgotten without a proper fact-finding or investigation by regulatory agencies, like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission, or The National Assembly. This study aims to examine why the above has happened through in-depth interviews of reporters and TV producers, senior journalists, former and incumbent commissioners of the broadcasting regulatory agencies, and experts of the industry, as well as literature research. Here, I present three answers. First, I found two reasons the mainstream press has ignored this incident. 1) It serves for political interests instead of reporting truth. 2) Public broadcasters' watchdog role has been neutralized. Second, regulatory agencies like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission and The National Assembly are ruled by political tribalism. The ruling party's members of the National Assembly and these agencies were reluctant to investigate allegations surrounding Paik Jong-moon, such as illegal dismissals, illegal intervention in programming or production, illegal recruitment and illegal business deals. That's because they considered CEO Paik an ally. Using their majority power, they have rejected the request from opposition-affiliated commissioners or from opposition lawmakers to investigate the allegations. Third, there were no alternative forces within the public broadcasters to unveil the truth. In conclusion, the legal and institutional shake-up of corporate governance is urgently needed for public broadcasters and broadcasting regulatory agencies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.76
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• pp.151-182
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• 2016

The right to be forgotten (RTBF) has been a population notion to address privacy issues associated with the digitalization of information and the dissemination of such information over the global digital network. In May 2014, the European Court of Justice (ECJ) laid down a landmark RTBF decision to grant individuals the right to be de-listed from search results. ECJ's RTBF decision sparked an increased interest in RTBF in South Korea. Academic and non-academic commentators have provided a mistaken or outstretched interpretation of RTBF in claiming that removal of news articles should be read into RTBF in Korean law. Moreover, the Press Arbitration Commission of Korea (PAC) has proposed revising the Press Arbitration Act (PAA) to allow the alleged victims of news reporting to request the deletion of news stories. This article examines the notion of RTBF from its origin to the latest development abroad and also critically explores Korean laws regulation freedom of expression to evaluate if Korea needs the proposed PAA revision.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.4
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• pp.286-298
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• 2009

Became large a problem we were productive movement of information became large and occurring to diffusions of development of public media and Internet use. While the Internet became a generalization, public media had more influences and risks, and a crime to abuse anonymity became large in cyber space. In addition, damage is becoming expanded reproduction that infringe of ' crime victim's rights of portrait'. The point that is most important in order to improve these points is recognition regarding the special situation of crime victim, and the ethic consciousness and independent operation regulation and regulation system that these point was taken into consideration in the public media and Internet operation that are an information producer is necessary, and Internet portal shall be included like Internet newspapers to the arbitration object of the Press Arbitration Commission. Also, a legal system regarding personal responsibility shall have for protection of a crime victim's rights of portrait by personal information activity for protection in cyber space. Suggest to a portrait of a crime victim, and an individual and social rights security effort are required for activation regarding an infringement relief system.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.66
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• pp.242-272
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• 2014

This study examines why follow-up investigative programs about the sinking of the Cheonan Patrol Combat Corvette(ROKS Cheonan) have not been produced, despite much speculation surrounding the cause of the sinking since November 2010, when KBS investigative program, In-Depth 60 Minutes which had covered the incident was aired. We have uncovered four reasons through a series of in-depth interviews with producers and reporters, as follows. First, Korean military authorities monopolized relevant information, while the producers could not prove or confirm the validity of the findings of the JIG(Joint Civilian-Military Investigation Group)'s report because the facts had been revealed partially and selectively by the authorities and the press' scientific investigation were rejected by the authorities. Second, the crew of In-Depth 60 Minutes was subjected to severe disciplinary action by the Korea Communications Commission. This caused a chilling effect, - it broke the producers' resolve to further explore the reason behind the sinking. Furthermore, the screening of the investigative documentary, Project Cheonan Ship was cancelled without prior notice, presumably by the power of the State and markets. Third, the reorganization and shake-up of personnel by broadcasting stations' presidents appointed by the power of the State crushed the spirit of PD Journalism. Finally, the "red purge" factions stigmatized by the political or military, or the mainstream press, caused the producers or broadcasters to engage in self-censorship. The idea has been used in Korea as a smoke screen to deflect public attention. Nevertheless, the producers hope to shed light on the Cheonan sinking incident and to prove reasonable doubts by pursuing follow-up investigations.

• Fire Science and Engineering
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• v.33 no.6
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• pp.87-94
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• 2019

Through a press release dated July 17, 2018, the Anti-Corruption and Civil Rights Commission recommended that the National Fire Agency develop preventive measures against fire in the "Indoor Archery Ground" and "Room Escape Café" etc., which were originally excluded from the category of "Publicly Used Establishments." This study developed the hierarchy of domains and indicators of measurement for fire risk assessment of the new business of publicly used establishments through the Delphi Method. It analyzed the goodness of fit scores (over 3.00) and secured an average score of 4.25. Using AHP analysis, the ratio of consistency for the domains of measurement of fire risk assessment was found to be 4.0%, which was lower than CR ≤ 0.1 (10%). The consistency of subsequent measurement indicators were distributed in the range of 0.1%~3.6%, and they were identified as being commonly consistent. The indicators of measurement appeared as follows in order of importance and priority: Type of Internal Passage of Establishment and Evacuation Capacity of Exit (0.316), Control of Ignition Source (0.141), Inherent Risk (0.106), Appropriateness and Adaptiveness of Fire Detection System (0.097), Control of Inflammables/Combustibles (0.084), Guides and Facilities helping Evacuation (0.075), Fire Resistant Structure and Finishing Materials (0.060), Compartmentalization and Emergency Exit (0.049), Risk of Fire Expansion (0.046), and Appropriateness and Adaptiveness of Fire Extinguishing Facilities (0.026). The findings of this study are expected to be expansively used as data for future research on the development of fire risk assessment indicators.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.76
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• pp.124-150
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• 2016

The aim of this study is to see the change of the general characteristics and frame of nuclear power plant news in Korea from comparing the before Fukushima nuclear accident in Japan on March 11, 2011 with the after. To this aim, the national daily newspapers and the local daily newspapers in Busan located nuclear power plants were selected, and the content analysis of the newspaper stories about nuclear power plants was done. In research results, the stories about nuclear power plants in Korean newspapers increased greatly after Fukushima nuclear accident. Before the accident the nuclear power plant stories about economy held a large majority, while after the accident the stories about society held. Fukushima nuclear accident served as the momentum that the nuclear power plant stories in Korea became main news. Meanwhile, the frame of nuclear power plant stories in Korean newspapers changed greatly after the accident. Justly the environmental security frame increased greatly, because of increasing greatly the stories about security of nuclear power plants with Fukushima nuclear accident. Particularly in the local daily newspapers in Busan before the accident the environmental security frame was 29.3% of stories about nuclear power plants, and after the accident the frame was 77.6%.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.113-156
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• 2016

Media scholars take a lion stake in power circle. Not only do they take a part in media policies but seize prestigious positions like board members in Korea Communication Commission(KCC). Unfortunately, though, little has been known about who they are, what qualifications they have, and whether they meet public interests. This paper attempts to unveil the mechanism of those politicized intellectuals who are specialized on the media. Two categories divided into 'representative' and 'expertise' are employed for this purpose. On the one hand, the representative means the degree of committment into such public services as participation in conferences or non-profit organizations. On the other hand, the number of research articles, books and projects belong to the expertise. Evaluation levels consist of 'excellence, good and average' were allocated to those scholars who are(were) in 'Power Hole,' where decision makings come into being. Some interesting observations were made though this study. First of all, such criteria as representative and expertise vaguely suggested by the laws were hardly fit into those intellectuals, Rarely did they commit into public service let alone showing vigilance in academic activities. Secondly, both ideological loyalty and political activities in line with the government had much to do with taking such positions. Thirdly, not surprisingly, it showed that to graduate from Seoul National University and have Ph.D. degree from U.S.A. was one of the most essential factors. In final, most of them were very good at taking advantage of the press in way of boosting their publicity. To attend at policy making processes either in form of board members or advisers is inevitable for media experts. However, as shown in this study, such qualification of public service and academic eagerness shouldn't be underestimated. Academic integrity not selling intelligence solely for private interests needs to be protected as well. The authors hope this study to provide a valuable opportunity to establish a kind of ethical standards in participating into politics.