• The Journal of Korea Institute of Information, Electronics, and Communication Technology
• /
• v.14 no.5
• /
• pp.394-402
• /
• 2021

The entry of an aging society and the extension of human life expectancy, the increasing interest in women's social advancement and men's appearance, and the natural interest in K-culture through media media, while receiving worldwide attention, Focus on K-Bueaty. Recently, looking at the occupation of the medical tourism field, in the case of aesthetic medicine tourism such as molding and dermatology, it has gained popularity not only in Asia such as China and Japan, but also in North America and Europe. The first external confirmation of human aging is the wrinkles on the skin of the face. Clean, wrinkle-free, elastic and healthy skin is a desire of most people. Skin condition and condition such as focused ultrasonic stimulation (HIFU: High Intensity Focused Utrasound) and low frequency, high frequency (RF: Radio Frequency), galvanic therapy using microcurrent, cryotherapy using rapid cooling, etc. Depending on the method of management, the effect of the treatment differs depending on the output and the stimulation site, etc., even in the treatment of medical equipment and beauty equipment using the same mechanism. In this research, in order to develop invasive high-frequency dermatological devices using a large number of beauty medical devices and microneedles of beauty devices, the international standards IEC 60601-2 (standards for individual medical devices) and MFDS (Ministry of) We designed and developed a high-frequency output device in compliance with the high-frequency stimulation standard announced in the Food and Drug Safety (Ministry of Food and Drug Safety). The circuit design consists of an amplifier (AMP: Amplifier) using Class-A Topology and a power supply device using Half-Bridge Topology. As a result of measuring the developed high-frequency output device, an average efficiency of 63.86% was obtained, and the maximum output was measured at 116.7W and 50.67dBm.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.26
• /
• pp.63-93
• /
• 2010

This document illustrates the culture of archives should be improved to get better in local autonomy. In 1994, the municipal elections were held to perform autonomous activities in Korea. It has been sixteen years, since the first municipal election had been held. The local autonomy can be accomplished well, based on the economic independence from the central government and growing awareness of locals. Not only that, if local records were well archived and suitably used, autonomy could be more active. However, since the independence from Japan in 1945, records of the self-government has not been archived well. Not only archives of local government have not been established, but also organization, budget and professional staff have not been arranged well. This brought about local records administration's inactive performance. As a result, numerous number of meaningful records are lost and people are difficult to make out the local administration policy. If the records of local government preserved well, administrative efficiency, responsibility, transparency can be realized in better way. When local officials' work experiences and achievements were on record and referred to a successor of officials properly, administrative efficiency would be highly promoted. In addition, with the well-preserved work records, people are able to see where the responsibility lies. A local autonomous entity might be able to obtain administrative transparency by showing administrative processes and results to locals to the public. In this manner, the premise to archive the records of local autonomous entity is to establish a department which can archive local records and the disposition of professional archivists. According to "the law on public archives management", the governor of a province should discuss with a minister of administration to set up plans for archives' establishment and management. In this way, local archives administration would work well, when not only the department of local records administration is established, but also the department of local archives places local records under their control at the same time. Moreover, based on active records movement, municipal officials and locals would realize the importance of local record and examine local records administration systems. Not only that, when local records are shown to public and utilized properly, the local autonomy would improve a lot.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.37 no.2
• /
• pp.40-53
• /
• 2019

This study was conducted to investigate the changes in Scenic Spots by utilizing the "Sinjeungdonggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)" and "Joseonhwanyeoseungnam(朝鮮?與勝覽)" to interpret "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon(朝鮮名勝詩選, 1915)". By examining the historical context when "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon" was published, it documented the Japanese's memories of 'Sino-Japanese War(淸日戰爭)' in 1894, which implies the 'policy of assimilation' by the Japanese Government-General of Korea after the Japanese annexation of Korea(1910). Detailed information about the author 'Narushima Sagimura(成島鷺村)' can be found in preface. In the "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon", it dedicates most of the part in describing the Scenic Spot especially in 'Anseong Do (15 lines)', where has the memories of war such as the 'First Sino-Japanese War'. The number of Scenic Spots, commonly mentioned in both "Sinjeungdonggukyeoji seungram" and "Joseonhwanyeoseungnam" in Cheonan province are 13 in total. Most of the content contains a similar structure. But 'Honggyeongwon(弘慶院)' and 'Seonghwanyeok(成歡驛)' has both the common Joseon Dynasty landscape point of view, and the additional historical context which are about the 'Jeongyujaeran(丁酉再亂)' or 'First Sino-Japanese War' consequently enlightens the 'placeness' of the Scenic Spots. Among the newly described Scenic Spots, 'Anseongdo(安城渡)' is the part that focuses on the memory of the 'Anseongcheon Battle' that gave Japan its first defeat in the Sino-Japanese War. Especially, by introducing the poetry of 'Sinobu Shunpei' it maximizes the appreciation through emphasizing the direct correlation between placeness and the poem itself. While the Joseon Dynasty poems are 10 pieces in total and their title and the subject matters are all related to historical spots, and the appreciation also maximizes when fully interpreted with understanding the historical context. However, it's contextual meanings are neglected by dividing the actual structures into separate pages. When looking at the location of famous historic sites, they come in many different types, considering the location, meaning, size, and conditions surrounding them. It appears as a service space for travelers, a place for sightseeing, relaxation or return, a temple space for paying respects or memorial services, a fortress facility for defense and protection, or a fishing area for wages, and an old battlefield. Especially, it is noted that the area is diverse as the cultural landscape of Cheonan, given that the battle space between the hermitage and the Donghangnongmin(東學農民) is shared with each other. It is necessary to establish policies for the preservation and restoration of local cultural assets based on these points in the future.

• Journal of Life Science
• /
• v.28 no.11
• /
• pp.1369-1378
• /
• 2018

Prunus mume Siebold & Zucc., a member of the Rosaceae family (called Maesil in Korea), has been widely distributed in East Asia, e.g. Korea, Japan and China, and its fruit has been used as a traditional drug and health food. In this study, we evaluated physicochemical properties and physiological activities of condensed Prunus mume juice treated with pectinase (PJ). The values of total acidity, pH, sugar contents, turbidity moisture content of the PJ were 35.81%, 2.73, $54.36^{\circ}Brix$, 2.75 and 51.32%, respectively. The PJ had effective DPPH radical scavenging activity, reducing power effect, $H_2O_2$ scavenging activity and ${\beta}$-carotene bleaching effect. DPPH radical scavenging activities of PJ was 46.31%; their reducing power ($OD_{700}$) was 1.80; $H_2O_2$ scavenging activity of PJ was 91.62%; and ${\beta}$-carotene bleaching effect of PJ was 73.02%. Also, PJ showed effective levels of ${\alpha}$-glucosidase inhibition activity. The cell viability was measured by SRB assay. The PJ significantly decreased the cell viability of mouse melanoma cells (B16) and human melanoma cells (SK-MEL-2 and SK-MEL-28) in a dose-dependent manner, however, there was no effect on human keratinocyte HaCaT. In morphological study, PJ-treated SK-MEL-2 cells showed distorted and shrunken cell masses. Total polyphenol contents and total flavonoid contents of PJ were 588.31 mg% (gallic acid equivalent) and 860.45 mg% (rutin equivalent). The antiproliferative effect of PJ seems to be associated with the antioxidant activity of its flavonoid and polyphenol contents. In conclusion, PJ may be beneficial in development of a functional food material.

• Journal of Climate Change Research
• /
• v.1 no.1
• /
• pp.31-50
• /
• 2010

The Arctic climate change for the Last Glacial Maximum(LGM) occurred at 21,000 years ago (21ka) was investigated using simulation results of atmosphere-ocean coupled models from the second phase of the Paleoclimate Modelling Intercomparison Program(PMIP2). In the analysis, we used seven models, the NCAR CCSM of USA, ECHAM3-MPIOM of German Max-Planxk Institute, HadCM3M2 of UK Met Office, IPSL-CM4 of France Laplace Institute, CNRM-CM3 of France Meteorological Institute, MIROC3.2 of Japan CCSR at University of Tokyo, and FGOALS of China Institute of Atmospheric Physics. All the seven models reproduces the Arctic climate features found in the present climate at 0ka(pre-industrial time) in a reasonable degree in comparison to observations. During the LGM, the atmospheric $CO_2$ concentration and other greenhouse gases were reduced, the ice sheets were expanded over North America and northern Europe, the sea level was lowered by about 120m, and orbital parameters were slightly different. These boundary conditions were implemented to simulated LGM climate. With the implemented LGM conditions, the biggest temperature reduction by more than $24^{\circ}C$ is found over North America and northern Europe owing to ice albedo feedback and the change in lapse rate by high elevation. Besides, the expansion of ice sheets leads to the marked temperature reduction by more then $10^{\circ}C$ over the Arctic Ocean. The temperature reduction in northern winter is larger than in summer around the Arctic and the annual mean temperature is reduced by about $14^{\circ}C$. Compared to low mid-latitudes, the temperature reduction is much larger in high northern altitudes in the LGM. This results mirror the larger warming around the Artic in recent century. We could draw some information for the future under global warming from the knowledge of the LGM.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.45 no.1
• /
• pp.4-15
• /
• 2012

Sam-Tai-Ji has been used as one of the korean traditional symbol patterns including the emblem of the Seoul olympic. Despite Sam-Tai-Ji included in 태극(Tai-Ji:太極), it has been interpreted widely as Sam-jae(三才)theory called Tian(天), Di(地) and Ren(人), or Tian, Di and Ren harmony thought(天地人 調和思想) by some religion groups and some intelligent people without exact philosophical poofs. For this reason, this research on Tai-Ji(太極) pattern follows. Although Joseon dynasty selecting Confucianism as a ruling principle, it accepted Buddhism, Taoism and Shamanism by applying them to royal tombs not officially but privately. For example, If Confucianism has to be expressed in the public places, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Li-Ben-Lun(理本論) was employed, in the private places like royal tomb construction, Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) pattern having an expressing type of Qi-Ben-Lun(氣本論) was employed. To figure out clear identification of Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) and Er-Tai-Ji(二太極), this research was conducted to study on the change process of Tai-Ji(太極). It has been considered that Tai-Ji(太極) pattern has something to do with universe in these countries such as Korea, China and Japan. In Tai-Ji(太極) pattern, Sam-Tai-Ji had been used more widely than Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) untill the Han Dang dynasty. The meaning is also indicated as Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德) in the books like "Hanseo(漢書)" "Yulryeokji(律曆志)". But, in the chinese history, there was a change of the pattern into white spot Er-Tai-Ji(二太極) in "KoTaiJiDo(古太極圖)". It had been interpreted as "Yin-Yang and vitality(陰陽生氣)." since Song Dynasty when Confucianism settled down. In this process, unlike Wu-Ji(無極), Li(理) means immateriality. So Yin-Yang(陰陽) and Li(理) were expressed with the form of Er-Tai-Ji(二太極). Therefore, Sam-Tai-Ji(三太極) is the pattern that stands for Yin-Yang-Te(陰陽德). It means that Yin-Yang(陰陽) gives a life to all the living things, grows them along with Te(德). It developed and flourished in Taoism and Buddhism accepting spirit existence. It is the universe view that Qi(氣) is an entity.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.44 no.1
• /
• pp.52-71
• /
• 2011

This study was initiated with the intent to consider the features of Gugokwonlim and to compare Gabsagugok(甲寺九曲) to Yongsangugok(龍山九曲) against the backdrop of Mt. Gyeryong by revealing their nature and confirming the names and exact locations. A literature review, interviews with local people and field studies confirmed that Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are each composed of 9 seasonal features. The former is made up of Yongyuso(龍遊沼) - Iilcheon(二一川) - Baengnyonggang(白龍岡) - Dalmuntaek(達門澤) - Geumgyeam(金鷄?) - Myeongwoldam(明月潭) - Gyemyeongam(鷄鳴巖) - Yongmunpok(龍門瀑) - Sujeongbong(水晶峰) while the latter is made up of Simyongmun(尋龍門) - Eunnyongdam(隱龍潭) - Waryonggang(臥龍剛) - Yuryongdae(遊龍臺) - Hwangnyongam(黃龍岩) - Hyeollyongso(見龍沼) - Ullyongtaek(雲龍澤) - Biryongchu(飛龍湫) - Sillyongyeon(神龍淵). Both Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are part of Gugokwonlim built in the valleys of Mt. Gyeryong in the late Joseon Dynasty by Byeoksu Yun Deok-yeong (1927) and Chwieum Gwon Jun-myeon (1932), respectively, with a 5 year difference. Gabsagugok was supposedly designed to reflect an individual taste for the arts and to admire principles of Juyeok (ch. Zhouyi) and the beauty of nature. On the contrary, Yongsangugok appears to be the builder's expression of his longing for independence day, likened to the life of a dragon after receiving the sad news of Japan's annexation of Korea. Such differences show that these two builders had very different intentions from one another. The letters of Gabsagugok have a semi cursive style and were deeply engraved on the rock in a square shape. Consequently they have not been worn away except for those in Yongyuso, the first Gok. In contrast, the letters in Yongsangugok have an antiquated, cursive-Yija style but because they were engraved relatively lightly, serious wear and damage occurred. In terms of location, Gabsagugok was built around Ganseongjang adjacent to the 5th Gok while Yongsangugok was set up around the 5th Gok, Hwangnyongam. Meanwhile, the important motif which forms the background of Gabsagugok seemingly highlights the geographic identity of Mt. Gyeryong using the dragon and the chicken as themes. It also appears to symbolize the principles of Juyeok focusing on Kan of the Eight Trigrams for divination; this requires an in-depth study for confirmation. The main motif and theme of Yongsangugok is the dragon. It infuses the builder's intentions in Sangsinri Valley by communicating with nature through a story of a dragon's life from birth to ascension. It is assumed that he tried to use this story to express his hope for restoring the national spirit and reconstructing the country.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.41 no.2
• /
• pp.79-97
• /
• 2008

Four Wangs' landscape style (四王山水畵風), which had appeared in Beijing in the early 18th century, widely spread to Korea and Japan in the 19th century and became a significant basis for developing new painting styles in both countries. It was first introduced to Korea by Shin Wi (申緯) and Kim Jeong-hee (金正喜) who associated with literary men of the Qing Dynasty. Being influenced by them directly or indirectly, Shin Myeong-yeon (申命淵), Yi Han-cheol (李漢喆), Yu Suk (劉淑), Changv Seung-eop (張承業), An Choog-sik (安中植), and Jo Seok-jin (趙錫晋) attempted to adapt Four Wangs' landscape style and it later became a main Stream painting style of the Korean painting circles. Based on Four Wangs' landscape style, their landscape paintings had something in common in that they captured natural features from a short distance using the Down-Up prospective and placed guardian mountains across mountain streams by making a tall tree in the right or left bottom of the canvas as the starting point. However, recently unveiled court painter An Geon-yeong (1841~1876)'s the Landscape Screen is remarkable in that it is based on Four Wangs' style, which was in fashion in the late 19th century, but shows different aspects from other Four Wangs' style paintings in terms of feature capturing, brush stroke and colors. While most of An Geon-yeong's existing paintings are small ones, this folding screen is a big piece consisting of six-fold landscape paintings. In particular, it shows new aspects by creating a serene and calm atmosphere through the description of various landscape scenes with thin brush strokes using glossy ink, by showing a macroscopic view in some paintings through feature capture using a birds-eye view method, and by giving life to the canvas through smoke and clouds. This painting style is considered to be linked with those of Wang Xue-hao (王學浩, 1754~1832), Tang Yifen (湯貽汾, 1778~1853) and Dai Xi (戴熙, 1801~1860), based on Four Wangs' style in the early 19th century's Jiangnan Circle (江南 畵壇), who tried to express the energy and vitality of real landscapes by going around China's well-known mountains and complementing painting styles with drawing from nature. Therefore, An Geon-yeong's six-fold Landscape Screen is very significant as a rare case proving the introduction and reception of Jiangnan Circle's Four Wangs' landscape style which was different in many aspects from Beijing Circle in the 19th century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.34
• /
• pp.124-136
• /
• 2001

Among many different types of wares, we have amazing Sacred Water-pot(따르개, 注子) from Goryo-period(고리, 高麗, 918-1392). The stylistic peculiarity of Jung-Byoung(정병, 淨甁) is described in "Goryo-Dhogyoung, 고리도경, 高麗圖經", the classical design canon. It is said, "A sharpened mouth with narrow and prolonged neck is attached upon the broad mouth with thicker and even longer neck of the pot whose body intimates to the shape of melon." One could find this Jung-Byoung similar to the Indian drinking water jar, Kundika, which has been. even today, an everyday article in houses as well as in temples. In the early Buddhist cult, the object had been adopted as personal belonging of the Bodhisattvas(보살, 菩薩), especially of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara(관세음보살,觀世音菩薩). In short, the purifying character of water is met by the sacred ware to deliver the refreshing Sweet-Water(Holy-Water, 깨맑물, 단물, 단이슬물, 정수, 감로, 감로수, 성수, 淨水, 甘露, 甘露水, 聖水): For the holy purpose of fulfilling the thirst of people, of symbolozing the virtuous dharma. Thus, Ggamslkh-Byoung(깨맑병,淨水), the literal Korean name, denotes purifying and clarifying and clarifying water-pot to us. Among many other Asian countries, India, China, Korea, and Japan have a profound cult of the sacred water-pot(Ggamalkh-Byoung, Jung-Byoung, 깨맑병, 정병, 정수병, 감로병, 감로수병, 淨甁, 淨水甁, 甘露甁, 甘露水甁). Therefore, this charming holy object drew much attention not only from master artisans to shape and deliver them to people but also from painters and sculptors for their endowment of the sacred images dedicated to Buddha(부처,佛,佛陀). In China, the sacred water pot emerged in the period of Tang(당, 唐, 618~907)-Period and underwent much sophistication later on, I. e., from earthenware, ceramic-porcelain, bronze, and silver. However, the following represents a challenge to the well-known Goryo-Thangka(고리불화, 高麗佛畵) Painting of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara to our speculation on the Sacred Water-pot(정병, 淨甁). The image suggests, when examined closely, that the Sacred Water-pot has been accompanied by, or placed in, a transparent glasswere(유리그릇) or crystalbowl(수정그릇)! We have no other physical proof of the existence of such a Holding-Bowl(받침그릇, 承盤), except for in this particular painting. This Holding-Bowl would have not been a mere elaboration on the practicality of controling the drips from the mouth of the pot. As in the chapter on Tang-ho(탕호, 湯壺), or thermal bowl, in the "Goryo-Dhogyoung" it advises readers that this style of bowl is to be filled with hot water, and thus function as a preserver of heat in the water inside the pot. As an offering to the Buddha, the Sacred Water-pot could have been used for serving him hot tea. Hence the sacred bottle is to contain the refreshing water, the water transcends to nectar, and the nectar is prepared as a nectar tea to offer the Buddha. For both the Holding-Bowl of Ggamalkh-Byoung(Jung-Byoung)and the Celestial-Robe(날개옷, 天衣) of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara, whose specified character is the Water-Moon(수월, 水月) in this particular Thangka(불화, 佛畵) painting, the transparency is essential. This is to refer to the purity and the lucid clarity of Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara and at a deeper level, to refer to the world of Buddhas-the Tushita(Paradise, Heaven, Eden, 극락, 불세계, 極樂, 佛世界). Howerver, without the discovery of an actual Holding-Bowl, accompanied by a Sacred Water-pot, such speculation will necessarily remain hypothetical. Nevertheless, there is an abundance of evidence of our ancient craftsmanship in jade and ctystal, dating back to the Bronze Age(1000~2B.C.) in Korea. By the time of the Three Kingdom-Period(삼국시대, 三國時代, 57B.C.~935A.D.), and especially the Silla(신라, 新羅, 57B.C.~935A.D.)-Empire, the jade and crystal ornamentation had become very intricate indeed. By the Goryo-Period(918~1392) and Chosun-Period(조선, 朝鮮,1392~1910),crystal-ware and jade art were popular in houses and Buddhist temples, whose master artsanship was heightened in the numerous Sarira-Cases(사리그릇, 舍利器), containing relics and placed inside Stupas(탑, 투, 搭)! Therefore, discovering a tiny part of the crystal or jade Holding-Bowl for the Sacred Water-pot and casting full light on this subject, would not be totally impossible. Lastly the present article shares the tiny hope for a sudden emergence of such a Holding-Bowl.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
• /
• v.1
• /
• pp.78-92
• /
• 2019

Among the Southeast Asian countries, Vietnam had the most cultural exchange with Korea. Through Confusion and Chinese character, which were the common measure for two countries, Korea and Vietnam could communicate and share a sentiment with each other. Two countries showed an enormous interest in each other, and hence they could keep good relationship without official diplomatic relations. During the early 19th century, Korean Ginseng had gained tremendous popularity in Vietnam. Vietnamese believed the stamina of Minh Mang, who had 142 sons and daughters, originated from ginseng. Minh Mang bestowed ginseng on old courtiers for their contribution, which made them more loyal to the king. This tradition was inherited to the future generations, and soldiers who fought with Thai, Cambodia and France also received ginseng for their contribution. In other words, ginseng was the very important key for enforcement of patriotism. Due to the tradition, Korean ginseng has been considered as the premium ginseng in Vietnam. It is presumed that ginseng flew into Vietnam through 4 routes; 1) as an imperial gift from Chinese emperor, 2) by the Vietnamese ambassadors who went to Beijing for a tribute, 3) through private trade and 4) from Ryukyu or Japan, which were the hub of international trade. From 15th to 18th century, ambassadors from Chosun and Vietnam actively interacted in Beijing. Through their interchange, Vietnamese royal family could learn about the value of ginseng. The fact that there were many Shilhak scholars among the ambassadors from Joseon, such as Seo Geojeong and Seo Hosu who had profound knowledge of ginseng proves the theory. It is also possible that reputation of ginseng was already established in Vietnam during Silla period. Ko Byung, an bureaucrat from Tang Dynasty who ruled Vietnam for 10 years in middle 9th century and a friend of Choi Chiwon, might have delivered the knowledge of ginseng to the upper class in Vietnam. This hypothesis, however, should be proven by literatures. Hence, further research about the trace of Korean ginseng in Vietnamese history and literary works still remains to be done.