• Journal of the Korea Fashion and Costume Design Association
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• v.6 no.3
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• pp.153-167
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• 2004

Korea had suffered the colony of Japanese imperialism and the Korean War from the invasion of the external circumstances. Such special situation made new influences on the clothing habits. The types of Korean women clothing could escape from the traditional style that had been maintained for thousands of years. The foreign clothes for Korean women had undergone various changes from the Liberation in 1945. The jackets that had been introduced to Korea at the Enlightenment period had become popular outfits for men. The jackets made big influences on the changes such as the social advances for women from the times background of the Liberation. The jackets possess very important meaning for the changes in the diffusion of feminism and fashion. Therefore, this research tries to investigate the forms, silhouettes, changes and structures of the jackets such as the locations of the collar, the sleeve, and the waste line. The process of the changes in the style of women jackets is also analyzed from the silhouette and the structure method. The development and changes will be understood of Korean women's jackets. The Korean women's jackets should also be examined further with the history of foreign clothing from now on. The fashion to be introduced from important society cultural phenomena and the Western Europe has been reflected into the changes in the style of Korean female jackets. Also, dramatic changes in the style of clothing indicate that the society had experienced a great deal of changes. It is verified that foreign clothes have been interacted with the stream of times worldwide. After the Liberation, the female jackets become a uniform style which just followed the Western European style. However, a season trend has been announced from the SFAA since 1990. Since then trendy jackets have been detailed more with this chance.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.15-33
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• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.21
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• pp.77-110
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• 2004

This study is an exploration of a Korean-American writer, Hong-Eun's Mong-yu siga. Hong-Eun immigrated to the United States during the colonial rule of the Japanese government. He was a publisher of The New Korea Times, and contributed various literary works to it. The purpose of this study is to analyze his two Mong-yu sigas published in 1935 and 1947 and elucidate their meanings. Using dream as a primary motif, the intention of Mong-yu mode is to achieve desire which is impossible to reach in reality. While his staying in the United States, Hong-Eun could not return his home country for two reasons, that is, political and financial ones. To return Korea desperately, he wrote sigas by adopting Mong-yu mode. His first attempt was reflected as eight pieces of consecutive poetries titled This Mountain In My Dream, I am Home. This Mountain was published on the 25th of April, 1935 and In My Dream, I am Home was contributed from May the 9th of 1935 to July the fourth of the same year. These works were published in the The New Korea Times' poetry column under the pen name of Donghae-soboo , Representing gasa of the enlightenment era, this poetry depicts historical identity of Chosun dynasty, especially focusing on before and after the 1900s. As a result of it, the poetry sketches the ideology of the Middle Ages. His second attempt was A Country and Hometown written as a form of prelude on the 25th of September, 1947. In addition, A Country in My Dream was published as a form of six pieces of consecutive poetry from October the second to November the sixth of 1947. He chose sijo as a major form of poetry, and the image of the poetry seemed to be the continuation of his first attempt. Confronting the reality of the his own country which is divided, the writer expresses his antagonism toward America and Russia. Although he could eventually return his country later, he rationalized himself by saying that his it is not the ideal place to go. Mong-yu mode is a traditional poetic technique which the intellectuals of the Middle Age used to use as one pattern of allegory. In addition to this, in the period of the enlightenment of Korea, Mong-yu was used to avoid the Japanese censorship and experiment on the diverse ways of writing. In terms of literary history, the significance of Hong-Eun's creation of Mong-yu sigas is that Hong-Eun shares the same intention with Korean intellectuals of the enlightenment period.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.17-53
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• 2010

The Chandi Borobudur was likely constructed around 800 AD, during the period of the Sailendra dynasty in central Java, Indonesia. The Chandi Borobudur have 1460 narrative panels of reliefs which are distributed from the hidden foot to the fourth gallery. The 160 panels show various scenes of actions producing the corresponding results according to the Karmavibhanga(分別善惡報應經) text. Blameworthy activities with their purgatorial punishments and praiseworthy activities with their subsequent rewards are both shown. The 120 panels depict the biography of Buddha according to the Lalitavistara (方廣大莊嚴經) text. The 620 panels depict stories from Jatakas (本生譚) and Avadanas (譬喩經). The stories of 560 panels are based on Mahayayana (入法界品, 488 panels) and Bhadrucari (普賢行願讚, 72 panels) of Gandavyuha (華嚴經) text. In this study, among the 120 narrative reliefs which tell the life story of Buddha according to the Lalitavistara text in Chandi Borobudur, the images of Birth of Siddhārtha(誕生), The Great Departure (出家), Attaintment of Enlightenment (成道) and The First Sermon (初轉法輪) have been compared with the images of biography of Buddha showing in Ancient India, Gandhara and South India, and China. From a historical perspective of cultural exchange, Borobudur is very important site because it is located on the south route of transmission of Buddhism from India to South Asia, China, Korea and Japan. Study on the reliefs sculptured on the wall of Chandi Borobudur provide us information to understand the process of spreading and changes in styles of Buddhist arts.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.628-633
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• 2010

All the text of housing in 1910s was conveyed in three; hygiene general readings, home economics texts saying women's responsibility of cleaning house, and Japanese's observation and criticizing Korean housing. It stressed sanitary conditions of housing and criticised Korean housing dirty, of which contents and logic were same with the housing discourse in 1900s but much simpler and smaller in amount. It was mainly written by those in medical treatment field like doctors for enlightenment of private hygiene practice to Koreans. Because Choson Government-General(朝鮮總督府) excluded Korean residental areas from urban sanitation project, they remained dirty in 1910s. The practice of housing sanitation remained just as a matter of private sanitary practice. These political and discoursive conditions insinuated a sense that Korean dirty housing was representation of Korean's uncivilized customs and manners and a reason for being colonized. This sense made many Koreans to insist their housings' reforming to sanitary states just for civilization during colonized period.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.96-107
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• 2016

This study is an attempt to trace the origins of Korean botanical gardens prior to the construction of the botanical garden in Changgyeonggung Palace. We trace the time period during which Korean intellectuals first understood and appropriated botanical gardens based on accounts found in travel journals. These were written by members of delegations sent to Japan, Russia, and Great Britain and by students who had studied abroad, such as Tchi-Ho Yun and Kil-Chun Yu, during the open port period from 1876 to 1910. This study shows that the term "botanical garden" did not appear in any of the travel journals and the delegations did not show much interest in them until the 1880s. Japan had planned to introduce the different types of botanical gardens to the delegations from the Joseon Dynasty, but the delegations left no official records or related accounts regarding their visits. In contrast, members of delegations who were sent to Russia, Europe, and America after the 1890s began to pay attention to botanical gardens. They considered botanical gardens as a representative and essential part of Western culture and attempted to introduce them in Korea as essential tools for academic development as well as for enlightenment. Although many Korean intellectuals' opinions about the necessity of a botanical garden did not actually lead to its construction during the open port period, such a movement was significant in that it strengthened the botanical garden's image as a symbol of civilization. Apart from tracing the origins of the botanical gardens in Korea, this study serves as fundamental research material for understanding the establishment of the Changgyeongwon Botanical Garden in 1909.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.8
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• pp.681-691
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to construct a digital archive system by analyzing the collections of the Korean Christian Museum at S University, which has a large number of materials related to Korean Christianity published in the modern period from the time of Korea's enlightenment until liberation. In order to construct a digital archive system, indexes and metadata for the collection are complied according to the pre-defined format. After digitizing the selected collection, a database is built using metadata information, and the actual system is divided into a web standard-based management system and a user service system. Also a content-based search system is constructed, which provides the matching value of retrieval results in units of one character and an automatic search term completion function to enhance user convenience. Therefore, collections in the museum, which are difficult to access the original text, are digitized and provided so that they can be easily used, laying the foundation for the long-term development of humanities contents for improving the accessibility and availability of collections for both researchers and the public.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.125-174
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• 2017

The Cheondeok-Song (religious songs of Cheondo-Gyo) of the Japanese colonial period shown on Cheondo-Gyohwe-Weolbo, the monthly magazine of Cheondo-Gyo Church were examined in this paper. The results are as follows. There are scores of songs, lyrics, and articles related to Cheondeok-Song in the monthly magazine. The five-tone scale or Korean traditional rhythm style was partly used, but western music form was dominant in most of the songs. Especially the four-part form of Christian hymns became usual since 1931. This shows how people thought of the new trends. The reception of the new trends being emphasized, but they recognized tradition as an object of overcoming rather than of succeeding. The lyrics contain religious contents and the spirit of the period to restore national self-respect and contribute to the world peace through overcoming Japanese imperialism. But the rhythm of seven and five syllables which is suspected to have been introduced by Japan was spread after the 1920s. Cheondeok-Song have been sung in the three grand anniversaries and other anniversaries, the Prayer-day, in Cheondo-Gyo church services on Sunday, ceremonies, and in lecture. There are various kinds of songs and their status is very high. Especially, Cheondeok-Song have been used actively in mission works and edification for women. Cheondeok-Song actively reflected the domestic and international trends and the demands of that times. They could sing self perfection through enlightenment and also the social reform based on it. These are the reasons why I think Cheondeok-Song of those days are so important. Cheondeok-Song reflected modern elements actively, but couldn't succeed the national form and the traditional elements properly. The problem of cultural identity is not only a specific group's but also that of the whole humanity of maintaining cultural diversity. This is also a task that Cheondo-Gyo Cheondeok-Song have to solve in the future.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.17
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• pp.53-68
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• 2008

The purpose of this study is to investigate about security service history as enlightenment period from the provisional government to 1920s. This study used materials by historical facts for the regulations and books in provisional government, newspapers in 1920s. There are four parts conclusion of this study: police department of provisional government, security service agency in the provisional government, security service agents of an independence movement, the general society of Korea. Firstly, Kim Gu, a prominent Korean nationalist leader, was understand of security service which was to protect provisional government from the enemy. So, Kim Gu participated in training of security service agents in the police department of provisional government. Secondly, there was security service agency in the provisional government. In 1920s, security service agency and agents appeared for the first time in regulations of the provisional government. At the beginning of the security service agency's appearance was influenced on background and circumstances for Korean independence activist who helped the independence of Korea from Japan. Thirdly, security service agents leaded an active for independence movement of the private organizations in 1920s. They carried on an independence movement in defiance of Japanese coercion as nationalist in Korea history. Fourthly, security service came out the general society of Korea in 1920s. The security service was not just for safety, but also for its security system and peace of mind, which were influenced by the political situation, social environment in 1920s. For the this reason, now security service has safety perception in Korea despite the historical progress.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.4
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• pp.123-144
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• 2006

Foreigners who arrived in Korea after the age of enlightenment were Japanese, Chinese and 'Westerners' who were Europeans and Americans. The westerners were diplomats who visited Korea for colonization or for increasing their economical profits by trading after the spread of imperialism, and tourists curious of back countries, artists, explores and missionaries to perform their roles for their religious beliefs. They contacted with Korean cultural and educational people as missionaries and instructors during Japanese colonial period. In 1945, the allied forces occupied Korea under the name of takeover of Japanese colony after Japan's surrender and the relation between foreigners and Korean cultured men enter upon a new phase. For 3 years, American soldiers enforced lots of systems in Korea and many pro-American people were educated. This relationship lasted even after the establishment of the government of Korean Republic and especially, diplomats called as pro-Korean group came again after Korean War. Among them, there were lots of foreigners interested in cultures and arts. In particular, government officials under American Forces who were influential on political circles or diplomats widened their insights toward Korean cultural assets and collected them a lot. Those who were in Korea from the period of independence to 1950s wrote their impressions about Korean cultural assets on newspapers or journals after visiting contemporary Korean exhibitions. Among them, A. J. McTaggart, Richard Hertz and the Hendersons were dominant. They thought the artists had great interests in compromising and uniting the Orient and the West based on their knowledge of Korean cultural assets and they advised. However, it was different from Korean artist's point of view that the foreigners thought Korean art adhered oriental features and contained western contents. From foreigners' point of view, it is hard to understand the attitude Korean artists chose to keep their self-respect through experiencing the Korean war. It is difficult to distinguish their thought about Korean art based on their exotic taste from the Korean artists' local and peninsular features under Japanese imperialism. We can see their thought about Korean art and their viewpoint toward the third world, after staying in Korea for a short period and being a member of the first world. The basic thing was that they could see the potentialities through the worldwide, beautiful Korean cultural assets and they thought it was important to start with traditions. It is an evidence showing Korean artists' pride in regard to the art culture through experiencing the infringement of their country. By writing about illuminating Korean art from the third party's view, foreigners represented their thoughts through it that their economical, military superiority goes with their cultural superiority. The Korean artist's thought of emphasizing Korean history and traditions, reexamining and using it as an original creation may have been inspired by westerners' writings. 'The establishment of national art' that Korean artists gave emphasis then, didn't only affect one of the reactions toward external impact, 'the adhesion of tradition'. In the process of introducing Korean contemporary art and national treasure in America, different view caused by role differences-foreigner as selector and Korean as assistant-showed the fact evidently that the standard of beauty differed between them. By emphasizing that the basis to classify Korean cultural assets is different from the neighborhood China and Japan, they tried to reflect their understanding that the feature of Korean art is on speciality other than universality. And this make us understand that even when Korean artists profess modernism, they stress that the roots are on Korean and oriental tradition. It was obviously a different thought from foreigners' view on Korean art that Korean artists' conception of modernism and traditional roots are inherent in Korean history. In 1950s, after the independence, Korea had different ideas from foreigners that abstract was to be learned from the west. Korea was enduring tough times with their artists' self-respect which made them think that they can learn the method, but the spirit of abstract is in the orient.