• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.63-70
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• 1979

One species of Rhodophyceae namely Eucheuma cottonii from the coast of Philippine was analyzed with respect to the content of carrageenan and such chemical characteristics as the content of sulphate and 3,6-anhydro-D-galactose and its solubility in potassium chloride solution. In addition, the same chemical properties were tested in the fractions separated by the different concentrations of potassium chloride. In comparison of the results of carrageenan in Eucheuma cottonii samples from Philippine and Chondrus ocellatus samples from Korea, carrageenan content in Eucheuma cottonii was higher than that of Chondrus ocellatus. Both samples showed more than forty-five percent carrageenan content. The Eucheuma cottonii carrageenan showed a higher 3,6-anhydro-D-galactose than the Chondrus ocellatus carrageenan. The sulphate content was higher in Chondrus ocellatus than Eucheuma cottonii. In fractionation of carrageenan by the solubility methods using potassium chloride solution, the yield of Eucheuma cottonii was highest in fraction I, fraction III was next and fraction II was the lowest.

• Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.30-38
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• 2008

Petroleum-based resin adhesives have extensively been used for the production of wood panels. However, with the increase of manufacturing cost and the environmental issue, such as the emission of volatile organic compounds, of the adhesive resins, it is necessary to be developed new adhesive systems. In this study, the potential of okara, which is a residue wasted from the production of tofu, for the development of bio-based adhesives was investigated. At first, the physical and chemical properties of okara were examined. After okara was hydrolyzed in acidic and/or alkaline solutions, okara-based adhesive resins were formulated with the mixtures of the okara hydrolyzates and phenol formaldehyde (PF) prepolymer. The adhesive resins were used for the fabrication of plywood panels, and then the adhesive strength and formaldehyde emission of the plywood panels were measured to examine the applicability of the resin adhesives for the production of plywood panels. The solids content and pH of the okara used in this study were around 20% and weak acidic state, respectively. In the analysis of its chemical composition, the content of carbohydrate was the highest, and followed by protein. The shear strengths of plywood fabricated with okara-based resin adhesives exceeded a minimum requirement of KS standard for ordinary plywood, but its wood failure did not reach the minimum requirement. In addition, the formaldehyde emissions of all plywood panels were higher than that of E1 specified in the KS standard. Based on these results, okara has the potential to be used as a raw material of environmentally friendly adhesive resin systems for the production of wood panels, but further researches - biological hydrolysis of okara and various formulations of PF prepolymer - are required to improve the adhesive strength and formaldehyde emission of okara-based resin adhesives.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.115-162
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• 2022

The Rules of the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK), revised at the eighth Party Congress in 2021, reflect the Kim Jong Un regime's changes in strategic lines and ideological justifications on North Korea's socialism and communism, and its recent stances against the external environment. Moreover, they contain critical changes in the party's organizational system encompassing the central and the provinces. This study explores the organizational changes of the "monolithic guidance system of the party core" stipulated by the new party rules in January 2021, based on the analysis of the entire nine revised rules of the WPK since 1945. In the 2021 Party Congress, the Kim Jong Un regime, which officially came to power after the fourth Party Conference in 2012, has institutionalized the monolithic guidance system centered on the party core, or the head of state, Kim Jong Un. The newly set leadership and execution system, which reorganized party, government, and military organizational structure and accompanied the relevant personnel changes, was derived from the attempts for reinstating the Kim Jong Un regime as a more normalized party-state structure before its 10th year in power in April 2022. The "monolithic leadership system of the party core" established a system of "organizational leadership" through the organization of the Central Committee, directed by the Party Head, or General Secretary. The institutionalization of the new system resulted from the ten-year development of the revival of the party-state structure, which compromised the status of the military and reconfirmed the party's control of the military. This study explains the new system from the perspectives of both institutionalization and top-down unity, shedding light on the new party-military-government relations of the Kim Jong Un regime. The analysis contributes to a better understanding and forecasting of the Kim Jong Un regime's governance, which currently strengthens the monolithic leadership system as a crisis management system in the face of the "triple hardships" of sanctions, Covid and disaster.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.79-115
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• 2022

This study aims to account for electoral choice in the 2020 presidential election by focusing on social identity which forms the basis for core partisan groups. Two views compete to explain the origins of polarization, policy versus party. One emphasizes policy as more influential in choosing presidential candidates. This follows the tradition of retrospective voting theory in which voters' choice rely on government performance. Incumbent president whose performance proves well are rewarded to be reelected. Policy performance is based on measures around distinctive preferences for government spending. Republican Individuals prefer individual responsibility to government support, while Democratic counterparts support government support. Another perspective put an emphasis on the role partisanship which favors in-party members and disfavors partisan out-groups. Interparty animosity plays the key role in determining electoral behavior. This study relies on the Views of the Electorate Research (VOTER) Survey which provides a panel data of several waves from 2011 to 2020. A comparative evaluation of two views highlights three findings. First, policy matters. Policy preferences of voters are the primary drives of political behavior. Electoral outcomes in 2020 turned out to be the results of policy considerations of voters. 53.7 percent of voters tilted toward individual responsibility voted for Trump, whereas 70.4 percent of those favorable views of government support than individual responsibility voted for Biden. Thus effects of policy correspond to a positive difference of 26.4 percent points. Second, partisanship effects are of similar extent in influencing electoral choice of candidates: Democrats are less likely to vote for Trump by 42.4 percent points, while Republicans are less likely to vote for Biden by 48.7 percent points. Third, animosity of Republicans toward Democrat core groups creates 26.5 percent points of favoring Trump over Biden. Democrat animosity toward Republican core groups creates a positive difference of 13.7 percent points of favoring Biden.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.69-114
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• 2022

This paper analyzes Taiwan's 「New Southbound Policy」 from the perspective of 'balancing' and 'bandwagoning' in international politics. Specifically, it examines the changes and characteristics of 'Southbound policies' that have continued since the period of the Lee Teng-hui(李登輝) administration, and examines the meaning of the New Southbound Policy promoted by the Tsai Ing-wen(蔡英文) administration. Taiwan's foreign policy has been strongly influenced by external variables such as U.S.-China relations. Previous Taiwanese governments have actively promoted Southbound policies to advance to Southeast Asian countries such as ASEAN with the aim of 'De-Sinicization', but have not achieved much results. This is because variables such as cooperative U.S.-China relations and strong checks from China played a role at the time. In this environment, Taiwan had to pursue an appropriate 'balancing' between the United States, China, and Southeast Asian countries. However, since the inauguration of the Trump administration, strategic competition between the U.S. and China has been maximized, creating a new space for Taiwan's foreign policy. This is because the U.S. valued cooperation with Taiwan in the process of embodying the 'Indo-Pacific Strategy' to curb China's rise. The New Southbound Policy promoted by the Tsai Ing-won administration is different from the existing Southbound policies in that it seeks to link with the U.S. India-Pacific Strategy and attempts to advance to South Asian countries such as India. From an international political point of view, the Tsai Ing-won administration's New Southbound Policy can be interpreted as a 'bandwagoning' to the United States, not a balanced strategy between the U.S. and China. Strategic competition between the U.S. and China is expected to intensify for a considerable period of time in the future, and honeymoon between Taiwan and the U.S. are also expected to continue. Taiwan's bandwagoning strategy, which actively pursues a link between the New Southbound Policy and the India-Pacific Strategy, is also expected to be maintained.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.229-258
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• 2023

For the main countries of the Asia-Pacific region, the United States, China and Russia, a situation of "new normality" is emerging. Moreover, for each of the countries, this "new normality" has its own meaning. For the United States, this is an aggravation of the military confrontation with China in the Taiwan Strait. For China, this is an increase in the degree of rivalry with the United States and a slowdown in the pace of economic development with a very high probability of their decline in the future. For Russia, this is an almost complete curtailment of relations with the United States against the background of a special military operation and imposed sanctions. These nuances, in addition to the results of the 20th CPC Congress, will determine the main trends in Sino-American and Sino-Russian relations. It seems that China's attitude towards Russia will not change against the background of the Ukrainian crisis. Beijing will maintain a position of "benevolent neutrality" towards Moscow. At the same time, the balance between "goodwill" and "neutrality" may vary depending on the scope of Sino-Russian cooperation. For example, in the economic sphere, Chinese companies will be afraid to cooperate with Russian partners for fear of secondary sanctions. However, in general, Russia will retain its importance for China as the strongest anti-American pole. In relations with the United States, China will continue to firmly defend its interests, while at the same time not excluding the normalization of relations with Washington in certain areas of cooperation: strategic stability, non-traditional threats, ecology, etc. In general, the decisions of the 20th CPC Congress do not allow us to say either in favor or against the idea of China's readiness to resume dialogue with the United States in the post-congress period. Sino-American relations, as noted above, have their own logic and will probably continue to develop within its framework. However, so are Sino-Russian relations. Within the framework of these logics, Beijing seems to continue to balance between the two vectors of its foreign policy. On the one hand, this is the development of bilateral cooperation with Russia in order to strengthen its own negotiating positions in the confrontation with the United States: military cooperation with an emphasis on joint exercises, political cooperation based on anti-Americanism, economic cooperation with an eye to the risks of secondary sanctions. On the other hand, it is unacceptable for China to recognize the collapse of Ukraine, the inadmissibility of a direct military clash with the United States and the extreme undesirability of further aggravation of relations with the United States on the factor of Chinese friendship with Russia.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.115-145
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• 2023

The 20th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (hereafter referred to as "the 20th National Congress") was under the global spotlight long before it was held for seven days from 16 to 22 October 2022. People wondered whether Xi Jinping would secure a third term as China's leader or whether he would lay the foundations to be in power forever during the third term. In Korea, the press and media questioned whether the event would become the "crowning of Emperor Xi (Xi Huangdi)," whose power rivaled that of the first emperor in China, Shi Hunagdi, and featured the scene where Hu Jintao was forced to leave the venue during the Congress. On the other hand, many Korean academics focused more on how Xi would organize the Politburo and its Standing Committee and whether the outline of his heirs would appear during the event. This tendency in academia in turn worsened the media's concerns. This paper presents a quantitative analysis of the 20th National Congress Report, as opposed to an analysis of Xi's political intentions at the event. The National Congress Report outlines the Party's visions, goals, and strategies for the next five years in politics, economy, society, culture, foreign affairs, and relationship with Taiwan. The authoritative document is rich in narrative and logic and deserves academic study. This research analyzes the 18th, 19th, and 20th Reports by identifying their keywords and regular expressions and checking their frequency and percentage through text-mining methods. This approach enables the quantification and visualization of the significant changes in the Party's sovereign vision over the fifteen years of Xi's rule from 2013 to 2027.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.65-86
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• 2024

This study delves into the geopolitical tensions surrounding Ukraine throughout modern European history, aiming to shed light on its significance in geopolitical discourse. Since the 19th century, European powers, particularly the Anglo-Saxons and Germans, have formulated distinct geopolitical strategies concerning the Eurasian continent, with Ukraine at its focal point. The Crimean War and the German-Soviet War serve as key events to analyze these powers' geopolitical ambitions and interests. The British Empire, driven by its doctrine of thwarting land powers with sea power, intervened in the Crimean War against Russia. Its objective was to disrupt Russian dominance over Ukraine, thereby hindering Russian expansion into the Black Sea and Central Europe. On the other hand, the Third Reich of Germany, fixated on creating a European sphere exclusive from Anglo-Saxon sea powers and the Russian land power, initiated the German-Soviet War. This move aimed to secure a vast territory, including Ukraine, to facilitate expansion into the Caucasus and establish a buffer zone against the Soviet Union. Three key insights emerge from this analysis. Firstly, the absence of a dominant power rooted in Ukraine since the fall of the Principality of Kiev made geopolitical clashes inevitable. Secondly, these clashes ultimately result in a hollow victory for all involved parties, signifying the high costs and minimal gains of such confrontations. Lastly, the root cause of these clashes lies in the discord between exclusive geopolitical visions that fail to accommodate sustainable coexistence among diverse geopolitical spheres. In essence, the study underscores Ukraine's pivotal role in shaping European geopolitics and highlights the recurring clashes driven by competing visions of dominance and control over its territory. From the Crimean War to the German-Soviet War, the struggle for influence over Ukraine reflects broader geopolitical dynamics and the pursuit of strategic advantage by major powers. Ultimately, the study emphasizes the enduring significance of Ukraine in European geopolitics and the complexities inherent in managing its geopolitical tensions.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.16-22
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• 1975

This experiment was carried out to investigate the physiological characteristics of two original yeasts, 5-Y-5 and 6-Y-6, which selected from 24 Takju yeasts and three mutants, 30-24,30-81 and 40-27. induced from two original yeasts by the irradiation of UV light. The results were summarized as follows. 1) Alcohol tolerances of three mutants were decreased in some degree as compared with those of original yeasts. 2) Tolerances of lactic and citric acids of acid producing mutant 30-81, was increased than those of original yeasts. 3) In the case of using ammonium sulfate as a nitrogen source, two original yeasts and three mutants required Ca-pantothenate as a essential growth factor and four strains of yeasts except the mutant, 30-81, required biotin as a stimulated growth factor, When asparagine was used as a nitrogen source, two original yeasts and three mutants showed the same as above result but the stimulated effect of biotin was far less. 4) Propagation powers of the mutants were weaken than those of original yeasts, particular that of acid producing mutant, 30-81, was the weakest in the three mutants. 5) The optimum temperature for fermentation of original yeasts were $30^{\circ}C\;to\;35^{\circ}C$ but three mutants were $25^{\circ}C\;to\;30^{\circ}C$. 6) The optimum pH for fermentation of original yeasts were pH 5 to 6, and there is no appreciable difference between original yeasts and three mutants. The fermentation power of mutant,30-81, was decreased more rapidly than those of other mutants according to approach neutral. Three mutants were more sensible to heat than original yeasts. 7) Two original yeasts and three mutants were inhibited more over 20 percent of sugar for fermentation and three mutants were more sensible to sugar concentration than original yeasts.

• Economic and Environmental Geology
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.211-220
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• 2002

The Xiaoxinancha Cu-Au deposit in the Jilin province, located in NNE 800 km of Beijing, is hosted by diorite. The ore mineralization of Xiaoxinancha Cu-Au deposit show a stockwork occurrence that is concentrated on the potassic and phyllic alteration zones. The Xiaoxinancha Cu-Au deposit in the south is being mined with its reserves grading 0.8% Cu, 3.64 g/t Au and 16.8 g/t Ag and in the north, grading 0.63% Cu, 3.80 g/t Au and 6.8 glt Ag. The alteration assemblage occurs as a supergene blanket over deposit. Hydrothermal alteration at the Xiaoxinancha Cu-Au deposit is centered about the stock and was extensively related to the emplacement of the stock. Early hydrothermal alteration was dominantly potassic and followed by propylitic alteration. Chalcocite, often associated with hematite, account for the ore-grade copper, while chalcopyrite, bornite, quartz, epidote, chlorite and calcite constitute the typical gangue assemblage. Other minor opaque phases include pyrite, marcasite, native gold, electrum, hessite, hedleyite, volynskite, galenobismutite, covellite and goethite. Fluid inclusion data indicate that the formation of this porphyry copper deposit is thought to be a result of cooling followed by mixing with dilute and cooler meteoric water with time. In stage II vein, early boiling occurred at 497$^{\circ}$C was succeeded by the occurrence of halite-bearing type III fluid inclusion with homogenization temperature as much as 100$^{\circ}$C lower. The salinities of type 1II fluid inclusion in stage II vein are 54.3 to 66.9 wt.% NaCI + KCI equiv. at 383$^{\circ}$ to 495$^{\circ}$C, indicating the formation depth less than 1 km. Type I cupriferous fluids in stage III vein have the homogenization temperatures and salinity of 168$^{\circ}$ to 365$^{\circ}$C and 1.1 to 9.0 wt.% NaCI equiv. These fluid inclusions in stage III veins were trapped in quartz veins containing highly fractured breccia, indicating the predominance of boiling evidence. This corresponds to hydrostatic pressure of 50 to 80 bars. The $\delta$$^{34}S$ value of sulfide minerals increase slightly with paragenetic time and yield calculated $\delta$$^{34}S_{H2S}$ values of 0.8 to 3.7$\textperthousand$. There is no mineralogical evidence that fugacity of oxygen decreased, and it is thought that the oxygen fugacity of the mineralizing fluids have been buffered through reaction with magnetite. We interpreted the range of the calculated $\delta$$^{34}S_{H2S}$ values for sulfides to represent the incorporation of sulfur from two sources into the Xiaoxinancha Cu-Au hydrothermal fluids: (1) an isotopically light source with a $\delta$$^{34}S$ value of I to 2$\textperthousand$, probably a Mesozoic granitoid related to the ore mineralization. We can infer from the fact that diorite as the host rock in the Xiaoxinancha Cu-Au deposit area intruded plagiogranite; (2) an isotopically heavier source with a $\delta$$^{34}S$ value of > 4.0$\textperthousand$, probably the local porphyry.