• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.36-47
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• 2017

In this research, sematic comparative study on formative idea and landscape elements composition was made between Soswaewon which was a remote villa garden in Joseon Dynasty and Canglang Pavilion which was built at a time when Neo-confucianism had been created in Song dynasty. From which the summary was resulted as below: Firstly, Soswaewon was fully devoted to Neo-confucianism among Korean remote villa gardens, Canglang-Pavilion was deeply affiliated with Neo-confucianism the deep-rooted thought. Adding a comment, as a richly historied Chinese private garden it was the best preserved even now and the farmost point from now and approximately 500 years advanced than Soswaewon, moreover Sosunheum the builder belonged to gentry society in Song dynasty. Secondly, Both Soswaewon and Canglang-Pavilion were remarkable thank to nature friendly concept which was deeply rooted in the eremitic thought(隱逸思想). Most of all, it might be interpreted the location of Soswaewon lay down in a mountain, as to be swallow hidden(小隱) but that of Canglang-Pavilion lay down in a city, as to be middle hidden(中隱). Thirdly, approaching with comparative study to gardens' factors implicated in symbolization when naming both Soswaewon and Canglang-Pavilion, neo-confucianism in Song dynasty in which diverse thoughts ranging Confucianism and Buddhism and Taoism had formed ensemble and developed was deeply built in Soswaewon, as to be in consistency to nature and to be a basis for comprehending diverse symbolization factors found in Canglang-Pavilion. Fourthly, given that forms or factors of gardens was tangibly came up with thoughts' variation we surely underwent to comparative study. Through which we could know Soswaewon was made by maximizing use of nature but minimizing addition of artificial things. In other words, it was trial of expressing semantic feature of the site in a way blending natural circumstance and liberal one. One of the representatives, Daebongdae in Soswaewon was a site where the owner's idea came up with. Scenary was recreated and nature was represented in interspace of Canglang-Pavilion with the high wall around the border, for which it renounced the world. To the end, it was understood there was the location characteristic of Canglang-Pavilion which let us look down from mountain and take some time for introspection. It might be said that the cultural root was in common between Korea and China, however it was found there were lots of differences in forms and features of gardens. We were able to interpret that social and cultural background were led to gardens' formation in which individual characteristic of two nations were blended, from which difference was resulted.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.38
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• pp.65-101
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• 2018

In the late Joseon Dynasty, patriarchal ideology became central to the family and the clan, and once again became acutely felt with "the familism of clan rules that centered around a legitimate and eldest son." The establishment of the family-clan system, though somewhat complex, was largely aimed at the family line of "a paternalist-a legitimate and eldest son." The trend was not limited to a particular family, but rather, was a historical and social trend. Changseonggameirok showed how to solve the family crisis by setting up a problem for the next generation's patriarch. This paper tries to explain the issue of Hwachun's complex as the legitimate and eldest son complex. First, it suggests that Hwachun's complex is as universal as the Cain complex, also known as the eldest son complex, and that Hwachun's complex is a special instance of the legitimate and eldest son complex in Changseonggameirok. Next this paper studies the aspects of Hwachun's legitimate and eldest son complex combined with Mrs. Sim's complex, as well as her daughter-in-law's complex, and eventually tracks the development of the family-clan complex. As a result, we've come to a new conclusion that the legitimate and eldest son complex was found in Changseonggameirok for the first time in Korean literary history. This paper also examines the fact that when the legitimate and eldest son complex was transferred to Hwajin, it became a family complex that Hwajin had to contend with; this paper tracks the process wherein Hwajin's filial piety solved the legitimate and eldest son complex. As a result, we realized that Hwajin's filial duty and brotherly love went beyond his feelings for Mrs. Sim and Hwachun, and supported the substantiation for "the familism of a clan that is based on rules of the legitimate and eldest son" in the course of public opinion. However the familism of these rules was not embodied in the absolute; in the royal family, for example, it was rather flexibly implemented when the characters admitted to breaking the law. In addition, this paper provides the room for a critical reading of Changseonggameirok, reflecting back on the underlying guilt and psychological pain of the characters who are affected by the particular rules, and concluding that guilt and suffering are fundamentally insoluble. This is because the two ideas, "the legitimate and eldest son complex" and "the familism of a clan rules centered on a legitimate and eldest son" are two sides of the same coin.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.38
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• pp.139-173
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• 2018

In the study of Guunmong, which is one of the representative classical $17^{th}$ century novels of the Joseon Dynasty, interpretations through The Book of Change(Juyeok) have recently emerged. It is necessary to more concretely investigate the themes of the research. The writer Kim man-jung wrote the work in an exile situation. In that time he composed a poem using Chinese letters with meaning connected to The book of Change. In particular, the discourse of Bok-gwae(復卦, ䷗) concentrating on the meaning of recovery might be a basis to construct the inner world of the work. The sentence of 'Bok goes well' in The Book of Change suitably match up with the hero's life in Guunmong. In addition the sentences of 'There is no illness in going and coming. So it will be no faults if friends arriver' can be applied to the meeting between the hero and heroines of Guunmong. The general declarations of The Book of Change are appropriate for explaining the contents of Guunmong. There are six Hyos that make up Gwae. The Hyos, from the first one at the bottom to the fifth one up above, connect to the characters of Guunmong. The phrase of 'Not going far away' regarding to the first Yang Hyo can be connected to Yang So-yu, hero of Guunmong. The phrase of 'Recovering beautifully' with regard to the second Eum Hyo can also be realized in the life of Jeong Gyeong-pae and Ga Chunun, two heroines of the work. The phrase of 'Danger owing to frequently recovering' regarding the third Eum Hyo can be applied to the position of Gye Seom-weol and Jeok Gyeong-hong. The phrase of 'Going middle with recovering alone' regarding the forth Eum Hyo can be matched with Sim Yo-yeon and Baek Reung-pa. The phrase of 'No regrets during an intense recovery' with regard to the fifth Eum Hyo is applicable to Yi So-hwa and Jin Chae-bong. The phrase of 'Boding of a confused recovering' regarding the sixth Eum Hyo is related to the writer's situation. The boding of confused recovering is owing to anti-royal road. The contrast between the royal road and the anti-royal road reflects Confucianism and Buddhism, dream and reality, and Yang So-yu in a dream and Seong Jin, who is same hero, in reality. Moreover, the structure of Guunmong which is organized in the form of reality-dream-reality, has a basis in this contrast. Considering these relationships, we can say the classical novel Guunmong is a fable of Bok-gwae. The work is a hopeful narration of an effective recovery that the writer anticipated in exile.

• Journal of Korean Classical Literature and Education
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• no.32
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• pp.119-158
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• 2016

In this thesis we set forth the reasons for teaching classical river novels in secondary education, and investigated the guiding principles for content design of high school literature textbooks. Although classical river novels have great significance in cultural and narrative histories, they were previously consistently disregarded in secondary education. First, we looked at the need for including classical river novels in the secondary school curriculum to create a well-balanced education of classical novels, to link this with modern river novels, to teach the narrative styles and esthetics of river novels, and to let students understand the various cultures of the late Joseon Dynasty. Second, we examined two ways of educating students about classical river novels. For exclusively teaching classical river novels, we recommended the means of teaching and provided detailed guidelines by which they can be taught, as well as provided complete information about the family tree, the story unit, and the scene deployment. To establish the link between classic river novels and their modern counterparts, we recommended the process of teaching accession and transition of tradition by introducing the commonalities and the differences across three generations stories, besides discussing the viewpoints of female writers. When classical river novels are introduced in literary textbooks, students will realize the existence of such novels though they may not understand all aspects of the novels. We suggest that teaching and introduction of classical river novels in secondary education as soon as possible.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.192-211
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• 2021

In Seongju, Gyengsangbuk-do, the Placenta Chamber (胎室, Taesil) of 18 sons and a son of the crown prince of King Sejong(世宗大王) is located in one place. Taesil refers to the place where the umbilical cord and placenta, which are separated when the baby is born, are placed in a jar made of pottery and stone box and then buried on the ground. The placenta chamber in Seongju has the Buncheong ware (粉靑沙器) cover buried on the ground to protect the baby's placenta. These covers are all hemispherical, with a diameter of more the 20cm. The decorations were made using black and white inlaid techniques only on the outside. The Buncheong ware cover with this shape and pattern has been confirmed only in the placenta chamber in Seongju. This study targets 6 of the Buncheong ware cover whose owners were identified, when and where they were prepared, what the stylistic features and meanings are, and where it was produced. The results of the study are as follows. First, ss a result of reviewing the production background and procurement system of this bowl, it was inferred that it was sourced from Jangheunggo (長興庫) at the central government office, between 1436 and 1439, when the event to bury the placenta of royal members in the ground was the most active. Second, it analyzed the unique features of this cover, such as the shape, pattern, and baked traces. The shape and pattern were compared to the ritual objects contained in the Sejong Silok Oryeui (『世宗實錄』 「五禮」, Five Rites of King Sejong Chronicle) and the lid of the royal placenta jar made in the 15th and 16th centuries. Third, this study suggests that the baking method was based on the shape and location of the traces remaining outside the cover. Finally, the following data were used to estimate the production site: the relationship with the 'Jagiso (磁器所, ceramic workshop) registered in the Sejong Silok Jiriji (『世宗實錄』 「地理志」, Geographical Appendix of King Sejong Chronicle); various records of contribution and dedication about the Buncheong ware made here; and the Buncheong ware and related tools excavated from the kiln site in the area. The place where the Buncheong ware cover was produced is estimated to be the most likely production site for the kiln site in Chunghyo-dong Kiln Site, located in Jeolla-do province by synthesizing the data above.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.3
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• pp.72-87
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• 2018

This study highlights a drainage gate and a ditch, which existed around the whole area of the western shore of Wolji Pond(月池) and focuses on a possible connection between the drainage facility on the western shore and the historical drainage system of Wolji Pond. Specifically, it primarily considered locations and the form of a drainage gate, the relationship between northwestern ditch of Wolji Pond and the drainage gate, and the establishment period and the character of the drainage facility on the western shore. The drainage gate found in excavation in 1975 is determined as the same facility as Surakgu(水落口) recorded on an actual measurement drawing, 1922. Therefore, it is highly probable that there were already the drainage facility in the western shore of Wolji Pond before the 1920s. The drainage gate constructed by processing rectangular stones has four drainage holes for controlling water level. The way of the drainage through the drainage holes is the same as that of the northern shore of Wolji Pond. From a cadastral map drawn in 1913, it is found that the ditch existed in northwest of Wolji Pond. The ditch was proximate to the drainage gate and shared the same axes. Hence, the ditch and the drainage gate are determined as a organic facility connected to the drainage system of Wolji Pond. In particular, the ditch existed in northwest of Wolji Pond is the basis for judging that the drainage facility in the western shore were established before the 1910s. Water flowed in through drainage holes of the drainage gate is drained into the northwest of Wolji Pond, through the ditch. The establishment period and the intention of the drainage facility on the western shore can be interpreted in two aspects. First, they might be 'a agricultural irrigation facility in the Joseon era', given that Wolji Pond was recorded as a agricultural reservoir, and that the whole northwestern area of Wolji Pond was used as farm land areas. Second, they might be 'a drainage facility for controlling the water level in creating Wolji Pond', given that the drainage gate was annexed to the lower shore forming the waterline of Wolji Pond, and that the hight of drainage holes on top of the drainage gate was similar to the full water level of Wolji Pond. Considering the related grounds and circumstance, the latter possibility is high.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.74-91
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• 2014

The stone statues in the site of Mireuksaji Temple(Iksan, South Korea) were created after the stone pagoda was built in 639. They, transitional statues between animal sculptures and human shaped statues made from the late Goryeo dynasty until the early Joseon dynasty, were set up at the four corners of the stone pagoda by way of guardians. In the case of three statues, their surfaces were denudated and their iconographies have been indiscernible. However, the one in the southwest clearly shows its iconography. It is inferior in properties to the other three statues in the northwest, the northeast and the southeast respectively, but on the other hand its iconography has been well maintained. The reason is related to exposure to harmful environments; specifically, the retaining wall, built around the stone pagoda in the 17th century, had the southwest statue inside and could naturally worked as a buffer against harmful environments. As a result, for about 400 years there has been difference in weathering conditions between the three stone statues and the southwest statue, which brought denudation, the consequent indiscernibleness of iconography and biological invasion to the three statues, notwithstanding superior properties(northwest statue:$176kgf/cm^2$, northeast statue:$109kgf/cm^2$, southeast statue:$273kgf/cm^2$). In contrast, the southwest statue significantly shows its iconography with black contaminants and granule decomposition, despite inferior properties($133kgf/cm^2$). Defenseless exposure to external environment is not recommended for the stone statues, because it is hard to preserve the extant iconography. Herein lies the application of the data on microclimate around Mireuksaji Temple. As regards the weathering zone in which the stone statues are located, Conservation increases in acidity and frequency as years go by, Hereat, in the approach to the Conservation of stone statues, the first consideration needs to be morphological historicity rather than geographical location.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.48 no.4
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• pp.24-43
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• 2015

Since 2011, when Oegyujanggak Uigwe(Records of the State Rites of the Joseon Dynasty) were returned from France, which were looted in 1866 by the French Navy, national attention to our cultural properties abroad was explosively increased and public pressure has been mounting that those cultural properties should be returned in Korea. According to the statistics of "Overseas Korean Cultural Heritage Foundation" Korean cultural Properties, which exist in foreign countries, amounts 160,342 in total 20 countries. Among them about half of them are estimated to be illegally exported cultural property, these are to be restituted. However, in reality it is not so easy to restitute illegally exported cultural properties. For this, it needs to be established a long-term and systematic plan for return of cultural properties from other countries. This paper starts from such a critical mind and tries to find legal policy measures for the return of illegally exported cultural properties. To this end, the author first describes motive and aim of this research in chapter I. and overviews basic understanding and current situation of export of cultural property as well as means and methods of return of cultural property in chapter II. and then deals with international and national norms that are involved in the dispute concerned return of cultural properties in chapter III. Based on this research, in chapter IV., which can be considered as a key part of this paper, the author proposed nine legal policy measures for restitution of cultural properties from foreign countries. That is, actual condition survey of cultural properties in foreign countries, unified management and implement of export ID on cultural properties, fund-raising for the diversification of means of return of cultural properties. local utilization of cultural properties, joining in the multilateral conventions and expansion of the bilateral agreements, restitution and cooperation through international organizations, restitution through lawsuit and arbitration, training experts on restitution of cultural property and networking with foreign experts. Finally, the author summarized his opinion in chapter V. which comprehended researching the above.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.134-151
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• 2014

This paper deals with a review of the structure and production techniques of the Dried-lacquer Amitabha Buddha statue enshrined in Geungnakjeon Hall of Simhyangsa Temple, located in Daeho-dong, Naju-si, Jeollanam-do, Korea. To achieve this goal, X-ray date and two rounds of field research were performed. The data collected were reviewed, and a sample peeled off from the damaged part was analyzed to investigate the structure and material of the background layer. The results revealed that the Simhyangsa Temple Buddha statue was an almost empty Dried-lacquer(Hyeopjeo) Buddha statue where wood core had not been framed and inserted in the statue. It was thus observed that considering that the clothes wrinkles clearly remained, the same one as the irregularity of the outer clothes wrinkles, the Dried-lacquer layer was lifted made in an almost complete shape in the process of forming the clay figure as the origin form. The statue was found to be diagonally incised from the top of the head to the back of the neck to remove the clay and wood core. But in other sites, no incision was confirmed. It was observed that on the site of the head where the incision was made, an adhesives(lacquer or paste) was used. In addition, the black eyes were impacted with beads and the ears, hands, bands, and knots were made of wood. These features are identically shown in the Dried-lacquer Amitabha Buddha statue from Seonguksa Temple, known as a work of the late Goryeo dynasty; the Seated Dried-lacquer Buddha statue in Okura Museum of Art in Tokyo, Japan; the Seated Dried-lacquer Amitabha Buddha statue from Jungnimsa Temple, know as a work of the early Joseon dynasty; and the Seated Vairocana Buddha statue in Bulhoesa Temple, the Seated Dried-lacquer Amitabha Buddha and the Seated Dried-lacquer Buddha statue from Silsangsa Temple. The analysis of the back layer demonstrated that the ground layer and the red lacquer were the production of the time. In particular, the bone ash used for the ground layer was also coated for the ground layer of Buddha statues as well as for the production of the lacquerware during the Goryeo dynasty. It was also found that gold mending was conducted more than twice even in modern times and that the layer of the production time was well preserved despite gold mending several times.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.44-63
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• 2019

This study empirically investigated the construction and aspects of change in Chugyeongwon, which is located in Donggweol (東闕). In detail, this study investigated the location of the construction and range of Chugyeongwon, the background and intention of the construction, and the affiliated system and aspects of spatial changes of it. The research results can be summarized as follows: First, Chugyeongwon has been assumed to be the space near Haminjeong (涵仁亭) or between Simindang (時敏堂) and Jinsudang (進修堂) in Changgyeonggung Palace. However, according to related historical materials, it is said that Chugyeongwon was located west of Dochongbu (都摠府) in Hyeopsangmun (協祥門) and near Sungmundang (崇文堂). Through Donggweoldohyeong (東闕圖形), evidence of the construction of Chugyeongwon can be found, which verifies such claims. According to The Plan of Changgyeonggung Palace (昌慶宮配置圖), in the form of modern measured drawing, Chugyeongwon today is the green space created in the south of Munjeongjeon (文政殿) and Sungmundang in Changgyeonggung Palace. Second, According to Donggweoldo (東闕圖), Chugyeongwon was a green space where trees grew on the ground within the walls. No artificial facilities were constructed inside. In addition, Chugyeongwon was located at a site with an altitude higher than the surroundings. Especially, the composition forms and location characteristics of Chugyeongwon are similar to those of the Palace Outer Garden located in Hanyang. Thus, based on this evidence about the form and other aspects of the operation of the Palace Outer Garden, it can be inferred that Chugyeongwon was constructed for the preservation and cultivation of the geographical features inside Donggweol. Third, in the late Joseon period, Chugyeongwon was assigned to Changdeokgung Palace or Changgyeonggung Palace in the same manner as was Donggung (東宮). Thus, it is very likely that Chugyeongwon served as a garden for the Royal Family in the Donggung area. The west boundary of Chugyeongwon, which originally consisted of walls and a side gate, was changed into the form in which the walls and colonnades were combined. Chugyeongwon has been modified due to various acts of development since the Japanese colonial era, and in the end, it has disappeared so that no trace can be found.