• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.99-110
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• 2006

Lee Heon gil (a.k.a. Mongsoo), who was the pioneer of measles treatment in the 18th century, is the 14th generation of the Deokcheongun branch of the Lee family from Jeonju, living from August 25, 1738 (14th year of King Yeongjo) to April 29, 1784 (8th year of King Jeongjo). Under his teacher Lee Cheol hwan, the eldest grandson of Lee Yik, he learned medicine and studied it deeply. His medical service was most remarkable when measles was prevalent in 1775 (51st year of King Yeongjo) at his age of 38. It seems that he wrote books on measles based on his experiences at that time. Lee Heon gil's academic background can be inferred from his relation with Lee Cheol hwan and Jeong Yak yong. Associating with Lee Cheol hwan, he established close relationships with many scholars including the Lee family from Yeoju, who were the descendents of Seongho Lee Yik, and through this fellowship he was influenced directly and indirectly by Seongho Lee Yik. In addition, he maintained close contact with Jeong Yak yong while treating him several times. As Jeong Yak yong was also in close academic association with scholars in the Seongho School and Lee Yik's pupils, he had a philosophical consensus with Lee Heon gil. These academic backgrounds show that the philosophical flow of the Seongho School from Seongho Lee Yik to Jeong Yak yong also reached Lee Heongil.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.5 no.3
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• pp.25-31
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• 2019

This study Dasan Jeong Yak-yong, great writings, "Mokminsimso" and " Kyoungseyupyo"argued for reform of Dasan Jeong Yak-yong's tax law is a series of Surtax that have been included in or not in the law and have aggravated the tax burden on the people. Dasan Jeong Yak-yong's reform drive for the tax law did not end with a desk discussion, but went so far as to scrutinize the tax data in Gangjin, Jeolla-do, where he was in exile, and present various measures to abolish taxes and improve them in "Mokminsimso" and "Kyoungseyupyo". Based on the details of the tax laws for Dasan Jeong Yak-yong, "Mokminsimso" and "Kyoungseyupyo" this study reviewed the tax data and related prior research that Dasan Jeong Yak-yong investigated during his exile in Jeolla-do, The method of collection of various Surtax and the definition of tax amount and character of the Joseon Dynasty, which were insufficient in the preceding study, was modified and supplemented. and further summarized various Surtax that were not mentioned in the preceding study. In addition, similar and opposite Surtax found in the review process of this study were compared in the text. also, various Surtax collected from the Min-go that increased the tax burden of the people at that time were summarized.

• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.8
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• pp.793-803
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• 2018

Since Confucius presentied 'zhong-yong' and Zi Si wrote Zhong-Yong (The Doctring of the Mean), specially since Zhu Xi edited Zhong-Yong as one of Si-Shu (The Four Books) and interpreted it, zhong-yong was not only recognized as the extreme of morality but also as a significant category of Confucianism. The purpose of this paper is to clarify how Jeong Yak-Yong criticized Zhu Xi's interpretation of zhong-yong, and furthermore, to search how Jung Yak-yong explain the zhong-yong by tree concepts of 'grasp', 'moral behavior', and 'habit'. Zhu Xi interpreted zong as a measured absolute middle of two-side and a non-launched original nature. Interpreted yong as a common truth. Therefore he interpreted zhong-yong as a common truth of neither excessive nor enough. Accordingly, Zhu Xi's zhong-yong can be understood as absolute zhong-yong without human's reflection and moral behavior. But Jeong Yak-Yong interpreted zhong as the state of a man's very hard-concentrate and grasp of situation, and interpreted yong as the state of a man's very hard-effort moral behavior and it's habit. Therefore he explained zhong-yong as a habit of moral behavior through grasp.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.281-287
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• 2020

Dasan(茶山) Jeong Yak-yong wrote many works in various fields. His ideas and philosophy formed a mountain range. First, his aesthetic ideas improved from Dam(淡) to Dam(澹;light), and further to Dam (膽;courage). Because Dasan had the courage to make changes, this was possible. Second, Dasan has the aesthetic idea of Yun(韻). This can be seen in his life pursuing the quaint. Because Dasan was unable to participate in reality due to exile, so he was able to create our culture through many writings. First, Un-Rim-San-Bang(雲林山房) in Sochi Heoyu is the origin of our Namjong Literary Painting, and its origin is Dasan. Second, Dasan pursued Silhak(實學), and applies it to reality. It is Silsagusi(實事求是). Thirdly, Dasan pursued Enjoying Together with People(與民同樂). Aesthetics ideas of Dasan showed the Korean characteristics.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.223-264
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• 2014

Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo(淵泉 洪奭周: 1774-1842) faithfully followed a policy of restoration of literary style of king Jeongjo. He was an young vassal after 1794 and influenced by Jeongjo because Yeoncheon was around the king. Furthermore, he had comparatively favorable working period as a vassal(仕宦期, 1795-1836) after death of Jeongjo(1800) while establishing his own academic viewpoint. Therefore, a study about art theory of Yeoncheon Hong Seok-joo is one about logical system to accept various desires for change of then while not getting rid of scope of Neo-Confucianism after Jeongjo. It is catched that exchange of Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong was made relating to study of Sangseo. Hong Seok-joo and Jeong Yak-yong absorbed in study of Sangseo, which is come from putting importance on 6 scriptures (經) among studies of scriptures by both of them. Through this, they aimed to re-discover ideology of original Confucian studies as one for cultivating oneself and governing people (修己治人之學). Dasan and Yeoncheon have something in common that they were young vassals who were cultivated as a guarding power for Jeongjo centered on Gyujanggak. They were largely fit to view of literature(文體觀) of Jeongjo. Hong Seok-joo distinguished function of prose(文) and poetry(詩) into teaching moral(明敎) and moving people(感人) in the category of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on thoughts of 'literature is linguistic device for Taoism '(道本文末)' which is a core concept of literature theory based on Neo-Confucianism. He gave a careful attention on instructional and social function in prose while on emotional understanding that puts importance on temper and the secrets of nature in poetry. Hong Seok-joo regarded moral impression and edification through this as a core of artistic creation based on Segyoseol(世敎說). Furthermore, expressions such as 'Heunggwangunwon(興觀群怨)' or 'Yeohangguyo(閭巷謳謠) which are mentioned as important elements in his artistic works put importance on actual existence of objective things in artistic activity and this is connected to an attitude to require description fit to fact. So, it is assumed that such expression style aimed for features of genre painting in painting arts. Understanding of the study of ancient documents by Yeoncheon developed from critical perspective. He criticized the study of ancient documents, saying it as first, Pasoijisul(破碎之術), second, Dotaekjisul(塗澤之術), third, Hoimojisul(毁侮之術). Jeong Yak-yong criticized ' theory on the Odes' from viewpoint of theory of Mun-yi-jae-do(文以載道) based on Neo-Confucianism. He stressed political and social function of Sipeon and general poetry in "the Odes" and reinterprets discourses about poetry of Zhu Xi based on his own opinion. He says that poems of national fashion do political and social criticism. The theory of national fashion by Jeong Yak-yong clearly discloses his thoughts that stress practical role of noblemen in the social and political context.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.139
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• pp.213-238
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• 2016

This paper examines how Dasan Jeong Yak-yong developed self-healing and his perspective of happiness during the hardest point of his political and social career. Just after the death of King Jeongjo (正祖, reign. 1766-1800) the arrest and persecution of those who accepted Christian knowledge from the West began. Among them were Jeong's family members and friends. Jeong, who had learned but had not accepted Christianity as a religious belief, was exiled to Ganggin 康津 in southern Jeolla Province where he was to spend the next 18 years. The two things that helped Jeong through his exile were the Book of Changes 易經 and his commitment to the study of Confucian thought, political, and social reforms. His life-long commitment to writing and his progressive understanding of the principle of changes of the universe in the Book of Changes, represented processes of self-healing and cultivation, depriving Jeong of self-pity and enabling him to attain the highest level in self-realization. According to Jeong, there are two kinds of happiness; "secular happiness" (yeolbok 熱福) related to power and wealth, and "pure happiness" (cheongbok 淸福), a free and idyllic life. For Jeong, the latter was more valuable than the former. Jeong believed that life pursing ethical virtues only could bring authentic joy to people. Furthermore, his devotion to the issues of systematic, social reforms was out of his desire to bring the public happiness by "practical learning", silhak 實學.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.48
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• pp.289-310
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• 2012

The present study analyzes the content of "Suojaegi (The Account of the Suo Residence)," an essay written by the Joseon-dynasty scholar Jeong Yak-yong (丁若鏞, 1762-1836). The study identifies the work's characteristic features and significance, seeking to develop a methodology to use this essay to teach students how to write. In terms of its content, the author of "Suojaegi" asserts what it means to "protect one's self-integrity" as the word "Suo" means in the title of the residence where the author's brother Jeong Yak-hyeon(丁若鉉) lived. According to the author, his elder brother could keep on living in his house, without being sent to exile in the political turmoils, because he preserved his sense of self and adhered to his principles. The originality of the essay is attributed to the use of gi (記), a genre of writing in classical Chinese that can be translated as "record," or "account," to express his thoughts in a place of exile in the form of a dialogue with his own self. Lastly, this self-reflective essay can be served as a guide for teaching students to make their own pen names, and to write a letter of self-introduction.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.171-188
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• 2005

Da-san Jeong Yak-yong(정약용) was one of the notable realist in the late 18th century, the second half of Chosun Dynasty. He accentuate the need of national riches and stabilization of the public welfare through his reformat proposal on actual condition. He regarded geography as the necessary knowledge to achieve the national riches and stabilization of the people's livelihood. We can read the contents on agricultural policy and encouragement of farming in Mokminsimseo(목민심서). In Mokminsimseo(목민심서), as coverage on economic geography, he present various policy of encouragement of agriculture as device of agricultural promotion and urges governors initiative on this. On policy of encouragement of agriculture, he insisted that the farmers have side job like horticulture, sericulture and live-stock farming far their rural economy. In sum, Da-san Jeong Yak-yong regarded economic geography as a important subject under realism which aims at improving and reforming contemporary world against 주자학 oriented Confucian classics.

• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.11-19
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• 2008

In order to unravel the implication on the Hwang Jahu's, a well-known medical doctor, critique of "HyangYakJibSungBang(鄕藥集成方)"(Compendium of Prescriptions from the Countryside)'s publication, this essay calls for an investigation of socio-economical situations and systematic support for the development of native herbal drugs of that time. In the period of King SeJong various systematic aspects supporting the development and utilization of native herbal drugs were created. In this ambient, Hwang Jahu also dedicated his life in the application of native herbal drugs. Though Hwang strongly recommended the use of native herbal herbs while importing insufficient resources from China. He gave a critique of "HyangYakJibSungBang(鄕藥集成方)"'s publication. Hwang's critique didn't lie on the book itself but on the practicality of this large volume from the public. He insisted more on the necessities of practical and easy accessible books for emergency situations. Throughout the emphasis on wide distribution of compact medical books and the utilization of acupuncture and moxibustion, in part reveals his pragmatic stand.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.35-61
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• 2017

The formation process of Dasan(茶山)'s Yi Xue(易學) in Xinghuxuepai(星湖學派) was examined. Dasan(茶山)'s Yi Xue(易學) succeeded to the methods of Huti (互體) and Yaobian(爻變) from Seong-ho(星湖) and Ha-bin(河濱), and Dasan(茶山) thought that he couldn't cover Zhouyi("周易") just with this one method. So he suggested the four methods called Yilisifa(易理四法), and supplemented it with 18 methods through Duyiyaozhi(?讀易要旨?). Accordingly, the process of how Dasan(茶山)'s Yi Xue(易學) was established was examined one by one. Dasan(茶山) succeeded to the method of Huti(互體) from Seong-ho Lee Ik(星湖李瀷), the leading master of Xinghuxuepai(星湖學派). Nevertheless, Dasan(茶山) argued that the method of Huti(互體) had been from Zhu Xi(朱子). However, this argument of Dasan(茶山)'s seems to have resulted from Zhengzu(正祖)'s academic research policy. As a way to interpret Zhouyi(?周易?), Dasan(茶山) succeeded to the method of Yaobian(爻變) from Ha-bin(河濱). However, Dasan(茶山) argued that Yaobian(爻變)was Zhu Xi(朱子)'s intention. He had no choice but this because of Zhengzu(正祖)'s academic research policy. Dasan(茶山) succeeded to the method of Huti(互體) from Seong-ho(星湖) and Yaobian(爻變) from Ha-bin(河濱), but Dasan(茶山) proposed the four key methods called Yilisifa(易理四法). Many researchers have argued that, as for Dasan(茶山)'s modern viewpoint, Dasan(茶山) developed Yi Xue(易學) in a similar way as Xihe Mauqiling(西河 毛奇齡). However, this viewpoint cannot be judged to have been similar as it was expressed when Dasan(茶山) himself criticized Xihe(西河)'s Jingxueguan(經學觀).