• Asian Journal of Business Environment
• /
• v.5 no.4
• /
• pp.67-72
• /
• 2015

Purpose - This aim of this study is to examine how conglomerates in Korea have evolved from the perspective of institutional economics. The growth of the economy, dominated by large conglomerates, is projected in light of the dynamic equilibrium between government and capitalists. Research design, data, and methodology - The historical formation of big business groups is examined in chronological order. For the analysis, we divide the assessment into three different eras: Japanese colonial rule, liberation up to the civil war, and the fast growing period since the military coup. Each period is viewed as a dynamic equilibrium that is shaped by economic agents. Results and Conclusion - Despite the rise of modern commerce during the colonial era, contemporary conglomerates came into being with the "enemy property" allotted by the government. Around the civil war, the government coexisted with prototype conglomerates through foreign aid. As the external aid decreased, the system could not be sustained anymore, thus the military coup took place. The reinstated strong bond between government and the conglomerates has shaped the forms of the modern conglomerates thereafter.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.11 no.2
• /
• pp.47-60
• /
• 2012

Sino-Japanese relations suffered a great setback during the premiership of Koizumi $Jun'ichir{\bar{o}}$ (2001-2006). Although many factors, such as dispute over the resources of the East China Sea or Japan's anxiety about China's growing military expenditures, are accountable for this situation, it was Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine that became a symbol of the controversies between the two countries. The Yasukuni issue triggered a real eruption of profound anti-Japanese feelings among the Chinese people. While commentators in China accused Koizumi of glorifying militarism and whitewashing the atrocities committed by Japanese soldiers during the Second World War, the Japanese public started perceiving China's "exaggerated" reaction as a convenient diplomatic tool used by China to apply pressure on Japan in other bilateral disputes. On the one hand, spontaneous protests against Koizumi's visits to the Yasukuni Shrine constituted a great constraint in China's diplomacy towards Japan, but on the other, they also became an ideal pretext for adopting a tougher stance in Chinese foreign policy. In this paper, I examine different points of view on the Yasukuni issue. After describing the Japanese background of the visits to the controversial shrine, I analyze various interpretations of China's reaction to the problem. Although emotions dominated discourse on the Yasukuni issue both in Japan and China, some pragmatic attempts to use this problem can still be seen. Besides being a side-effect of Koizumi's strong personality, the Yasukuni issue could be used either as a tool of factional struggle in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) or as an instrument of Chinese foreign policy towards Japan.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
• /
• v.34 no.5
• /
• pp.355-365
• /
• 2010

As a port city, Qingdao had been developed through the 4 stages during the first half of the 20th century. First stage is German Occupation period. In this period, the old downtown of Qingdao was formed and the existing architectural characteristics of Qingdao had been established. Second stage is the First Japanese Occupation period. Japanese transformed Qingdao into Japanese city and expanded city area to north and east. Third stage is Northern Warlords and the National Government period. In this period, Qingdao had been developed as an international city of world trade and vacation. Forth stage is the Second Japanese Occupation period. Japanese tried to change Qingdao as a military base for the invasion of the northern China.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
• /
• s.7
• /
• pp.305-331
• /
• 2009

This year I published a Korean translation of On War in three volumes, written by Prussian general Carl von Clausewitz. I believe it is the first unabridged Korean translation from the original German text, Vom Kriege. It is true that the work has been translated into Korean several times, but some translations have been done from English or Japanese versions, while others are abridged ones. It is not easy to make a good translation of On War, partly because the book is actually an unfinished work, and partly because it contains almost all academic subjects in social sciences. Moreover, two aspects of the dialectical logic in the book make it more difficult to understand. One is inductive reasoning, the other is deductive explanation. The former is to 'ascend' to draw principles and generalizations from empirical experience, the latter is to 'descend' to describe and explain given principles, often by concrete examples. Considering these difficulties, if we want to have better translations than existing ones, there should be substantial commentaries which contain not only history of wars, but also biographies and geographies concerned. I hope that On War can be taught and studied in many universities, for it will make it easier to produce reliable commentaries.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
• /
• v.28 no.2
• /
• pp.349-384
• /
• 2013

The Sputnik 1 launching in 1957 made the world recognize the necessity of international regulations on space development and activities in outer space. The United Nations established COPUOS the very next year, and adopted the mandate to examine legal issues concerning the peaceful uses of outer space. At the time, the military sector of the U.S.A. and the Soviet Union were in charge of the space development and they were not welcomed to discuss the prohibition of the military uses of outer space at the legal section in the COPUOS. Although both countries had common interests in securing the freedom of military uses in outer space. As the social and economic benefits derived from space activities have become more apparent, civil expenditures on space activities have continued to increase in several countries. Virtually all new spacefaring states explicitly place a priority on space-based applications to support social and economic development. Such space applications as satellite navigation and Earth imaging are core elements of almost every existing civil space program. Likewise, Moon exploration continues to be a priority for such established spacefaring states as China, Russia, India, and Japan. Recently, Companies that manufacture satellites and ground equipment have also seen significant growth. On 25 February 2012 China successfully launched the eleventh satellite for its indigenous global navigation and positioning satellite system, Beidou. Civil space activities began to grow in China when they were allocated to the China Great Wall Industry Corporation in 1986. China Aerospace Corporation was established in 1993, followed by the development of the China National Space Administration. In Japan civil space was initially coordinated by the National Space Activities Council formed in 1960. Most of the work was performed by the Institute of Space and Aeronautical Science of the University of Tokyo, the National Aerospace Laboratory, and, most importantly, the National Space Development Agency. In 2003 all this work was assumed by the Japanese Aerospace Exploration Agency(JAXA). Japan eases restrictions on military space development. On 20 June 2012 Japan passed the Partial Revision of the Cabinet Establishment Act, which restructured the authority to regulate Japanese space policy and budget, including the governance of the JAXA. Under this legislation, the Space Activities Commission of the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science, and Technology, which was responsible for the development of Japanese space program, will be abolished. Regulation of space policy and budget will be handed over to the Space Strategy Headquarter formed under the Prime Minister's Cabinet. Space Strategy will be supported by a Consultative Policy Commission as an academics and independent observers. By revoking Article 4 (Objectives of the Agency) of a law that previously governed JAXA and mandated the development of space programs for "peaceful purposes only," the new legislation demonstrates consistency with Article 2 of the 2008 Basic Space Law. In conformity with the principles laid down in the 1967 Outer Space Treaty JAXA is now free to pursue the non-aggressive military use of space. New legislation is the culmination of a decade-long process that sought ways to "leverage Japan's space development programs and technologies for security purposes, to bolster the nation's defenses in the face of increased tensions in East Asia." In this connection it would also be very important and necessary to create an Asian Space Agency(ASA) for strengthening cooperation within the Asian space community towards joint undertakings.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
• /
• no.43
• /
• pp.229-261
• /
• 2021

On the musical stage in 2019, there were many works depicting the Japanese colonial period. This is due to 2019 the timeliness of the March 1st Movement and the centennial of the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea. The way of remembering and commemorating historical facts reflects the power relationship between memory subjects and the time, namely the politics of memory. Until now, stage dramas dealing with the era of Japanese rule have focused on the commemoration of modern national and national defense, including feelings of misfortune and respect for patriots. This study analyzed the metaphor of the memorials emphasized to the audience in the commemorative musicals Shingheung Military School, Ku: Songs of the Goblin, and Watch which were performed in 2019, and looked at how to adjust memories and memorials. The above works highlight the narratives of ordinary people as well as those recorded against the backdrop of the Manchurian Independence Movement and Hongkou Park, expanding the object of the commemoration. Through this, active armed resistance efforts, self-reflection and reflection were highlighted. The case of Shingheung Military School revealed the earnestness of ordinary people who led the independence movement through the movement of central figures. Ku: Songs of the Goblin revises memories by reproducing forgotten objects and apologizing through time slip. Watch has strengthened the spectacles of facilities through documentary techniques such as photography, news reels, and newspaper articles, but it also reveals limitations limited to records. In the 3.1 Movement and the 100th anniversary of the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea, devices that actively reveal that the "people's movement" is connected to the present. To this end, the official records reflected the newly produced values and memories and devoted themselves to the daily lives and emotions of the crowd. In addition, both empirical consideration and calligraphy were utilized to increase reliability. These attempts are meaningful in that they have achieved the achievement of forming contemporary empathy.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.54
• /
• pp.111-150
• /
• 2017

This paper examines the current situation of sources on Korean Class B and C war criminals attached as civilians to the Japanese military during the Asian Pacific War charged with cruelly treating Allied POWs in Japanese POW camps, and also explores the possibility of a joint Korean-Japanese archive of these sources. The Japanese government agreed to the judgement of war crimes by accepting the terms of the Potsdam Declaration, and the Allied troops carried out the judgement of Class B and C war crimes in each region of Asia and the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (also known as the Tokyo Trials). However, many non-Japanese such as Koreans and Taiwanese from the Japanese colonies were prosecuted for war crimes. The issues of reparations and restoring their reputations were ignored by both the Korean and Japanese governments, and public access to their records restricted. Most records on Korean Class B and C war criminals were transferred from each ministry to the National Archives of Japan. The majority are copies of the judgements of war crimes by the Allied nations or records prepared for the erasure of Japanese war crimes after each department operated independently of the Japanese government. In the case of the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, such records focused mostly on their war crimes and the transfer of B and C war criminals within Japan and the diplomatic situation. In the case of Korea and Taiwan, these records were related to the negotiations on the repatriation of Class B and C war criminals. In addition, the purpose of founding of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records and its activities demonstrate its tremendous utility as a facility for building a joint Korea-Japan colonial archive. Thus, the current flaws of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records should be improved on in order to build a such a joint archive in the future.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.49
• /
• pp.325-355
• /
• 2012

This research aims to generalize the thoughts of military science of the intellectuals through the books on military arts and science, which were published in the early Joseon Dynasty. In the early Joseon dynasty, it was in a position to establish the foundation in the new monarch internally, and, at the same time, to overcome foreign powers on both northern and southern borders externally. Thus, the books on military arts and science should have to be published under a premise of such situations. Accordingly, the books on military arts and science of those days took account of political stability having reflected the activities not only as the founder of Joseon but also as the military officer in the late Goryeo along with the books' own purpose to found military arts and sciences. The books on military arts and science that published in the early Joseon Dynasty were written mostly based on Chinese military books and its annotations, except some descriptions of the history of war. However, the intellectuals at that time endeavored to redefine military arts and science from the perspective of Confucianism having evaluated Chinese military science books that were biased to boost Machiavellian tactics. As a result of this, the geographical distinctions between China and Korea were the start of an argument for the military arts and science. There were also disputes over the relationships between the military science and the Yin-Yang School, and between the military science and Confucian school. Organizing our country's own history of war for the first time in the early Joseon Dynasty is worth for putting a high evaluation. However, it cannot help but to point out the limits of the books that there are noticeable descriptions about the factors related to toadyism, and that there are no descriptions about the wars against Japanese raiders. The books on military arts and science in the early Joseon Dynasty put emphasis on the commander's leadership that should be good at both literary and martial arts, as well as the harmony in military-to-military relations. After all, the intellectuals in the early Joseon Dynasty had linked the military arts and science to the sages of Confucian school under a premise that scholarship is to be used in combination with martial arts. And, as the nexus between the two, they noted the items of virtue, such as humaneness and righteousness (仁義); ritual and music (禮樂); loyalty and filial piety (忠孝); three fundamental principles (三綱); five moral disciplines (五倫). It can be said that this point is the typical features of the military arts and science in the early Joseon Dynasty, which cannot be found in Chinese military classics.

• International Journal of Costume and Fashion
• /
• v.11 no.1
• /
• pp.15-33
• /
• 2011

The late $19^{th}$ and early $20^{th}$ centuries of Korea were the times when the Confucianism (牲理學) ideology was shaken heavily under the influences of modernism and capitalism by Western and Japanese military and political-economic forces. Under such circumstances, alteration of clothing was much influenced by ideologies than changes in social structure or technological advance. In this study, an ideology was defined as "the force which drives people into a particular social order". Ideologies were postulated as an ongoing process of socialization with dialectic features rather than being a static state. Comparative analyses on conflict structures and different clothing patterns symbolizing the ideologies of the Ruling (支配) and the Opposition (對抗) were conducted. Investigating dresses as representations of ideologies is to reconsider the notion of dichotomous confrontation between the conservatives (守舊派) and the progressives (開化派) and a recognition of Koreans' passively accepting modernity during the Japanese occupation. This may also have contributed to enlightening Koreans about modernization. Here are the results. First, the theoretical review found that ideologies were represented by not only symbols of discourse, but also dresses, and that dresses embodied both physical and conceptual systems presenting differences between ideologies and their natures, Second, during the late 19th century Korea, conflict between conservatives' Hanbok (韓服) and progressives' Western suits (洋服) was found. Moderate progressives showed their identity by "Colored Clothing" (深色衣), and radical progressives by black suits with short hair (黑衣斷髮) or by western suits (洋服). The ultimate goal of both parties was a "Modern Nation". With these efforts, pale jade green coats and traditional hats symbolizing the nobleman class was eliminated within 30 years from 1880 to 1910, and then simple robes and short hair emerged. However, the powerful Japanese army had taken over the hegemony of East Asia, and Korea was sharply divided into modernization and pro-Japanese camps. Third, during the time of Japanese colonial rule, the dress codes having set by the modernization policies during the time of enlightenment were abandoned and colonial uniforms for the colonial system was meticulously introduced. During this period, Western or Japanese-style uniforms were the symbol of the ruling ideology. In the mean time, Hanbok, particularly "White Clothing (白衣)", emerged as a representation of the opposition ideology. However, due to Japan's coercive power and strong zeal for "Great orient (大東亞)", white clothing remained as a mere symbol. Meanwhile, Reformists (實力養成論者) movement toward improving quality of life followed a similar path of the Japanese policies and was eventually incorporated into the ruling ideology. Fourth, dresses as representations of ruling ideologies were enforced by organizational powers, such as organizations and laws, and binding policies, and changes in such dresses were more significant when the ruling ideologies were stronger. Clothing of the opposition ideology was expressed as an aggregation of public consciousness. During the period, the subjects of ruling ideology and the objects who were granted modernization benefits were different although their drives for colored clothing with short hair (色衣斷髮) for modernization were similar.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
• /
• v.11 no.1
• /
• pp.69-87
• /
• 1999

This study had been analysed the establishment, the closing and the actual conditions of the fisheries school according to the four times revision and promulgation of the law of education of korea which were devided by the early term (the first Chosun educational decree), the middle term (the second Chosun educational decree) and the last term (the third and fourth Chosun educational decree), and also been investigated how the fisheries education of the school had been acted to the mobocracy and the assimilation policy and together with it's back ground through this analysis. The aim of this study is to contribute to the study of the history of the fisheries school education, analysis of change of the fisheries school education according to practical application of the Chosun educational decree. The summary of the characteristic of the each term are as under. First, in the early term of the fisheries education under the first Chosun educational decree, Experts were despatched to the each province with donated money from emperor and opened seasonal the fishing training centre, a kind of social fisheries education, and trained directly fishing technic and were going to train fisheries trainees regularly under name of elementary fisheries school. Japanese imperialism attached great importance to the vocational education in order to snack economical products from colonized Korea but actually had a purpose to train low quality technician who follow blindly their colony policy of Japanese imperialism. The fisheries schools in the circle of system in early time of Japanese imperialism, Kunsan public elementary fisheries school was established in April 1915, Yosu public elementary fisheries school was established ill May 1917 and Kyungnam Tongyoung training school was established in March 1917. Secondly, After 3.1 movement, the Japanese imperialism established an appeasement policy so called cultural politics and continued assimilation policy with skilful methods. After revision of the second Chosun educational decree, the Elementary vocational school was changed as the vocational training school. The school of fisheries education in middle of Japanese imperialism trained low quality technicians to snack fisheries resources from colonized Korea. After the middle of Japanese imperialism they paid attention on training fisheries technician through fisheries school rather than training school. With high interest and crowded volunteers, Kunsan public fisheries school was promoted in 1922, Tongyoung public fisheries school was promoted in 1923, Yongampo fisheries training school established in 1922 was promoted as Yongampo public fisheries school in 1926. Thirdly, in the time of the third and fourth Chosun educational decree, the end of Japanese imperialism, they met Pacific war after Japan vs China war. During the war time they considered the vocational school as the source of supply for materials and manpower and consequently had to expanded vocational education and systematically despatched students to war field and practiced military training. In 1938, Namhae public fisheries school was established and Chungjin fisheries school was permitted. But in order to supply manpower to Pacific war, the study period of Yosu public fisheries school was shorten from 5 years to 4 year in 1943 and also that of Tongyoung public fisheries school shorten in 1944.