• 한국초전도학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국초전도학회 2006년도 High Temperature Superconductivity Vol.XVI
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• pp.17-17
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• 2006

• 한국정보디스플레이학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국정보디스플레이학회 2008년도 International Meeting on Information Display
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• pp.1362-1365
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• 2008

ED-2523 (Measuring methods for matr ix reflective LCD modules) was published by JEITA (Japan Electronics and Information Technology Industries Association) in 2001. Since then, round robin tests had been done and the accuracy of measurement values had been discussed. In this paper, considerations for error factors in four measurement systems are showed.

• Strategy21
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• 통권31호
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• pp.164-189
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• 2013

Last December, the Abe government came back, and it is critical core of Northeast Asia. They visited to Yasukuni Shrine, denied to Korea's invasion and they are denying all of their invasion history. I'm afraid they want to take Dokdo. Dokdo is Korean territory, but Japan politics assert it belongs to them. To make matters worse, they are waiting an opportunity to invade. Ministry of Foreign Affair blue paper and Ministry of Defense white paper have claimed Dokdo as Japanese territory, and many right wing politicians are taking part in the Cabinet. Liberal Democratic Party of Japan is becoming more right wing politicians than before by Japan Restoration Party, and the others also have more right wing ideologies. It can't control Japan right wing political parties. They finally aim to take Dokdo. In this situation, we have to defend Dokdo. Japan must be very important partner for our nation's development. But it is necessary to trust between two countries. Dokdo is effective controlled by Korea. It is the best way how to keep Dokdo. During Dokdo is effective controlled by Korea, the Japanese Government has limited Dokdo's ownership. Now we don't have any way to keep Dokdo except more effective control. We have strategies about Japanese claim of Dokdo's ownership as follows. First, we can overpower Japan right wing politics as Japan conscientious force's ideology. Second, Japan politics say to Dokdo's ownership is based on The San Francisco Treaty. But it is not right. Third, we have to exchange a lot of local government and civic society in Japan. Finally, we must prepare thoroughly to bring the matter to the International Court of Justice.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• 제35권4호
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• pp.373-381
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• 2013

The Pacific Island Forum that consists of 14 island countries in the South Pacific has long been the focus of keen attention from East Asian countries such as South Korea, Japan and China. The South Pacific area was controlled by Japan right after the First World War. The League of Nations bestowed the right of trusteeship over the region to Japan, one of the victors in the war. However, the U.S. considered the area indispensible for its security interests in the Pacific after victory in the Second World War. With the end of Cold War period, the region again began to gain the competitive attention of Japan, China and Korea. Japan has made efforts to give economic assistance to this region by holding the Japan-Pacific Islands summit every three years. In addition, Japan is promoting a security engagement with this region by dispatching Self Defense Forces with the aim of initiating construction and development projects. In response to Japan's active involvement in the region, China also began to convene a summit meeting with these countries in 2006, making pledges of economic assistance. Furthermore, Chinese civilian companies struck deals of investment with municipal institutions in the region with a view to enhancing China's influence in the region. Japan's and China's active engagement in the region has galvanized South Korea to craft a more effective strategic approach to the region.

• 한국실내디자인학회논문집
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• 제13권5호
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• pp.125-132
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• 2004

The purpose of this study is focused on defining the types of spatial configuration of internal functions in city hotels by researching and analyzing city hotels in Korea and Japan. The scope of this study is limited to the period of early 1980's to the end of 1990's and 18 city hotels in Korea and Japan are selected as subject. Researching existing records and analyzing plans, surveys are used as the method of the study. The result of this study is as follow. First, block composition of floor plans that is used for hotel construction could be divided into three types (immanent type-6hotels, combined type-7hotels, adjacent type-4hotels). Second, the result of analysis about the internal functions and structural types of public area in city hotels is as follow. More Korean city hotels are taking concourse type (Korea 77.8%, Japan 55.6%) and hall type (Korea 22.2%, Japan 11.1%) than Japanese city hotels. However, the mixed type (concourse type +hall type) is only used in Japan (Korea 0%, Japan 33.3%). Third, as the result of the comparison of the size of public area between Korea and Japan, Korean hotels (36.70%) have larger space than Japanese hotels only in the service area. public (Korea 33.98% < Japan 34.71%), business (Korea 27.68% Japan 31.41%)and empty (Korea 1.64% < Japan 6.13%) area is taking larger space in Japanese city hotels than Korean.

• 교육시설
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• 제8권4호
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• pp.17-32
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• 2001

A main contents of this is to abtain the result of investigation and analysis of facilities & using space of Variation Type's middle school in Japan. we choose the sample of Japan Middle school managing variation type. Because the Japan's exiting educational system is very similar with Korea's existing educational system. We have planning about investigation and analysis of facilitie's present condition & using space of middle school in Japan. And we have also planning to have a hearing and interview investigation to teachers and students. A aim of this study is to abtain a guide of variation type space-planning in Middle school. For the aim, it is necessary to understand Japan's Middle school facilities condition and compare with Korea and Japan. A main content of study is as follow. o A collection of data and thesis of Japan's variation type middle school. o A check of curriculum of Japan's middle school. o A current of Japan's variation type middle mchool. history of construction circumstances, using situation of variation type, merit and demerit.

• Strategy21
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• 통권40호
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• pp.5-36
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• 2016

Recently, the Japanese government revised the three guidelines of its security policy, the National Security Strategy(NSS), the National Defense Program Outline and Midterm Defense Buildup Plan, exceptionally at one time. This means Japan has been seeking the new strategy and strengthening military power considering changing regional security environment. Moreover, Japan revised the security laws for the right to collective self-defense, which authorized the use of force even when Japan is not under attack. Also, Japan renewed the Guidelines for Japan-U.S. Defense Cooperation in twenty years, and has expanded JSDF's scope of activity to a worldwide level. These changes imply Japan would constantly seek to build military forces focusing on naval forces. Because Japan's naval forces, the JMSDF is the means that allow Japan to use its force at anywhere overseas and expand its roles and missions in international society by the basis of the right to collective self-defense. This research will analyze Japan's new maritime strategy and trend of force development and eventually look for the implication on our maritime security These days, Japan has perceived Chinese rapid increase of naval power and pursuing of maritime hegemony as a grave threat. In response to this, Japan is designing new maritime strategy, which are "remote islands defense and recapture" and proactively develop a new type of naval forces to accomplish this new strategy. The Japan's "remote island defense and recapture strategy" is to harden its defensive posture in Nansei islands which correspond to China's 1st island chain for chinese A2/AD strategy and directly encounter with China and to protect its own dominium and maritime interest while supporting US national strategy in East Asia. Japan continues to build compact, multi-functional ship to accomplish "remote island defense and recapture strategy" and keep strengthening its maritime power projection capability to include build of new amphibious ship, and large, multi-functional ship which can provide effective C2. These changes imply that Japan is shifting its strategy from passive and defensive to proactive and aggressive way and continues to pursue naval buildup.The implication of Japan's new maritime strategy and naval buildup needs to be observed carefully and we need to keep developing naval power required to protect our maritime sovereignty and interest.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제7권3호
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• pp.115-144
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• 2023

特朗普政府时期美国已表明了 "中国是美国的战略竞争者, 也是修正主义势力, 更是对美国繁荣和安全的主要挑战" 这种立场, 拜登政府也基本上继承了这种对中国的认识。中国也对此积极应对。因此, 美中战略竞争已成为当今国际体系中最重要的背景因素, 也对东北亚安全局势产生了巨大的影响。尽管如此, 观察最近韩美日三边安全合作的形成过程时我们可以发现, 尹锡悦总统上台之后韩国的对外战略调整对韩美日三边安全合作的形成起到了关键性作用。这是因为美国一如既往希望构建的韩美日三边安全合作的成败取决于韩日关系的改善, 而尹锡悦政府不顾韩国国内政治的制约因素, 果断推动了韩日关系的快速改善。随后, 在戴维营召开的韩美日三国峰会为未来三国在安全及其他更广泛领域的合作奠定了基础。中国对韩美日三边安全合作的形成提出了强烈的不满和抗议。但本文认为, 韩国虽然同意与美国和日本形成韩美日三边安全合作, 但韩国的战略目标与美国和日本的战略目标都不完全一致。比如, 回顾冷战结束之后的美日同盟发展历程, 美国与日本都对中国的崛起持有类似的看法和认识。最近几年美日同盟加强的实际目标也主要是如何应对中国的崛起。与此相反, 韩国历届政府都对韩美日三边安全合作持消极的态度。这是因为韩国想要追求的最主要的战略目标是如何减少或消除来自北韩的威胁, 而不是应对中国。面对北韩不断增强的挑衅与威胁, 过半数的韩国人支持通过加强韩美日三边安全合作来遏制或缓解来自北韩的威胁。因此, 只要北韩的核威胁与导弹挑衅持续存在, 那韩国的对外战略方向就很可能是加强韩美日三边安全合作, 以确保自身的安全与生存。所以, 如果中国想要减少韩美日三边安全合作给中国带来的战略上的压力, 最好的方案是降低北韩对韩国的挑衅和威胁, 在让北韩放弃核武器的问题上扮演更加实质性的角色。

• 한국어업기술학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국어업기술학회 2002년도 춘계 수산관련학회 공둥학술발표회
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• pp.412-413
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• 2002

• 한국추진공학회:학술대회논문집
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• 한국추진공학회 2006년도 제26회 춘계학술대회논문집
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• pp.1-4
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• 2006