• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.81-87
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• 2019

The purpose of the current study is to investigate the realization of speech rhythm in English as spoken by Korean learners of English. The study particularly aims to examine the rhythm metrics of English read speech by learners who speak Busan or the South Kyungsang dialect of Korean. Twenty-four learners whose L1 is Busan Korean and eight native speakers of English read a passage wherein five sentences were segmented and labeled as vocalic and intervocalic intervals. Various rhythm metrics such as %V, Varcos, and Pairwise Variability Indexes (PVIs) were calculated. The results show that Korean learners read English sentences with significantly more vocalic and consonantal intervals at a slower speech rate than native English speakers. The analyses of rhythm metrics revealed that when the speech rate was not normalized, Korean learners' English showed more variability in the length of consonantal and vocalic intervals. However, speech-rate-normalized rhythm metrics for vocalic intervals indicated that Korean learners transferred their L1 rhythmic structures (a syllable-timed language) into their L2 speech (a stress-timed language). Overall, the results suggest that Korean learners' English reflects the rhythmic characteristics of their L1. The effect of the learners' L1 dialect on the realization of L2 speech rhythm is also speculated.

• 음성과학
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• 제5권2호
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• pp.17-26
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• 1999

It has been claimed that Korean mid-vocalic voiceless unaspirated lax stops are phonetically realized with voicing throughout the oral closure phase. Acoustic measurements were undertaken to examine the claim with four Korean native speakers using /$V_1CV_2$/ words where the vowel ($V_1\;=\;V_2$) was /i, a, u/ and the C was voiceless unaspirated lax stops /p, t, k/. Findings: (1) During mid-vocalic stops /k/ and /p/ the vowel /u/ was accompanied generally by a significant increase in voice cessation time as percentage of the oral closure interval (PCT) than the vowel /a/, regardless of subjects, whereas in mid-vocalic alveolar stop /t/ the effects of vowels on PCT were subject-dependent, (2) The effects of vowels on PCT were significantly greater in mid-vocalic /k/ than /p/, regardless of subjects, (3) The mean PCT, averaged across six tokens, ranged from 17% to100%, giving overall mean 61% in which the standard deviation was ${\pm}30$, and (4) Overall % of the total of mid-vocalic unaspirated lax stops were produced with a substantial period of devocing and voicing lag. Considering these results, it is difficult to agree with the existing claims that Korean voiceless unaspirated lax stops are phonetically realized with voicing throughout the oral closure phase. Other phonetic variables, including the durations of pre/post-stop vowels, voice onset time, voice cessation time, and the duration of oral closure, were measured.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제1권1호
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• pp.41-46
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• 2009

Duration of the preceding vowel is known to vary as a function of the (phonological or phonetic) voicing feature of the following consonant. This study raises a question against this general belief. A spectrographic experiment using 14 Korean obstruents (three sets of stops: /p, p', $p^h$/, /t, t', $t^h$/, /k, k', $k^h$/; one set of affricates: /c, c', $c^h$/; one set of fricatives: /s, s'/) reveals that (1) phonetic voicing in the intervocalic lax consonants /p, t, k, c, s/ has nothing to do with the duration of the preceding vowel; (2) vowel length is significantly shorter before tense consonants than before their lax cognates while tense consonants are significantly longer than their lax cognates. Importantly, Korean obstruents are all phonologically voiceless. Therefore, the voicing feature is rejected as the cause of preconsonantal vowel shortening in Korean both phonetically and phonologically. It is suggested that the temporal phenomenon is basically a kind of physiologically-motivated coarticulation though it is restricted by the phonology of a given language. To meet this assumption, the feature voicing should be replaced with the feature tenseness as the cause, which will enable us to explain the temporal phenomenon on the same basis irrespective of language.

• 말소리와 음성과학
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• 제12권2호
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• pp.17-27
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• 2020

This paper examines kinematic characteristics of /pk/ clusters, as compared to /kk/ and /pp/ with varying vowel contexts and speech rate. The results of EMMA data from eight Seoul-Korean speakers indicate as follows. Firstly, comparing /pk/ to /pp/ sequences, lips closing movement was faster and spatially greater in the /a/-to-/a/ context while temporally longer in the /i/-to-/i/ context. It was smaller in spatial displacement and shorter in temporal duration in /pk/ sequences. Peak velocity did not vary. Secondly, comparing /pk/ with /pp/ and /kk/ controls, lip aperture was less constricted in the /a/-to-/a/ context than /i/-to-/i/, but the maximum contact between the upper and lower lips was invariant across different vocalic contexts within /pk/ sequences (/apka/=/ipki/). Categorical reduction of C1 in /pk/ sequences fell in with the low-vowel and fast-rate conditions with across-/within-speaker variability. Gradient reduction of C1 was observed in all C1C2 types, being more frequent in fast rate. Lastly, the jaw articulator was a stable indicator of rate effects. The implication of the current study is that gestural reduction occurs with categorical reduction and general spatiotemporal weakening in the assimilating contexts, while quantitative properties of gestures may be a reason for gradient reduction, not necessarily confined to place assimilation.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 1996년도 10월 학술대회지
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• pp.337-342
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• 1996

In prevoius works we have repored phonetic similarities between Japanese and Spanish voweis and syiiabic sounds. (1) (2) (3) (4). In the present communication we explore the relative importance of duration of the consonantal segment to elicit Spanish /l/ - /r/ distinction by native j Japanese talkers. Three Argentine and three trained native Japanese talkers recorded /l-r/ combined with /a/ in VCV sequences. Modifications of consonant duration and vowel context with transitions were m made by editing natural /ala/ sounds. Mixed VCV were produced by combining sounds of both languages. Perceptual tests were produced by combining sounds of both languages perceptual performed presenting the speech material, to native t trained and non trained Japanese listeners. In a tirst sessIOn a d discrimination procedure was applied. The items were arranged in pairs a and listeners Nere told to indicate the pair that sounded different. In the f following session they were asked to identify and type the letter corresponding to each one of the items. Responses arc examined in tenns of critical duration of the interval between vowels. Preliminary results indicate that the duration of intervocalic intervais was a relevant cue for the identification of /l/ and /r/. It seems that to differentiate the two sounds, Japanese listeners required relatively longer interval steps than the argentine suhjects. There was a tendency to conhlse more frequently /l/ for /r/ than viceversa.

• 대한음성학회:학술대회논문집
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• 대한음성학회 1996년도 10월 학술대회지
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• pp.390-398
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• 1996

Acoustic analysis study was performed on 20 normal subjects by speaking nonsense syllables composed of Korean bilabial stops(/p, $p^{*}$/, ph/) and their Preceding and/or following vowel /a/(that is, [pa, $p^{*}a$, pha, apa, $ap^{*}a$, apha]) with an ultraminiature pressure sensor in their mouths. Speech materials were phonated twice, once with a moderate voice, another time with a loud voice. The acoustic signal and intraoral pressure were recorded simultaneously on computer. By these procedures, we were to measure the intraoral pressure, closure duration and VOT of Korean bilabial stops, and to compare the values one another according to the intensity of phonation and the position of the target consonants. Intraoral pressure was measured by the peak intraoral pressure value of its wave; closure duration by the time interval between the onset of intraoral pressure build-up and the burst meaning the release of closure; Voice onset time(VOT) by the time interval between the burst and the onset of glottal vibration. Heavily aspirated bilabial stop consonant /ph/ showed the highest intraoral pressure value, unaspirated /p$^{*}$/, the second, slightly aspirated /p/, the lowest. The syllable initial bilabial stops showed higher intraoral pressure than word initial stops, and the value of loudly phonated consonants were higher than moderate consonants. The longest closure duration period was that of /$p^{*}$/ and the shortest, /p/, and the duration was longer in word initial position and in the moderate voice. In VOT, the order of the longest to shortest was /ph/, /p/, /$p^{*}$/, and the value was shorter when the consonant was in intervocalic position and when it was phonated with a loud voice.

• 음성과학
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• 제13권2호
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• pp.133-145
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• 2006

In order to understand the various groups' perceptual pattern in both VCV trochee and iambus, this study examined the identification correctness and cue robustness for the unit intervals in light of background language, age, and English listening ability. The 4 groups of Native Speakers of English, Korean College Students of High Listening Achievement, Korean College Students of Low Listening Achievement, and Korean Elementary Students took part in the experiments. Tokens of $/d{\ae}per,\;d{\ae}per,\;d{\ae}per,\;d{\ae}per,\;d{\ae}per,\;d{\ae}per$ in trochee and of $/{\eth}{\partial}\;p{\ae}d,\;{\eth}{\partial}\;b{\ae}d,\;{\eth}{\partial}\;t{\ae}d,\;{\eth}{\partial}\;d{\ae}d,\;{\eth}{\partial}\;k{\ae}d,\;{\eth}{\partial}\;g{\ae}d/$ in iambus were extracted and modified into experimental signals composed of two digits(voiced-1, voiceless-0) by following the temporal intervals, in which the signals consisted of preceding vowel, closure, VOT, and post-vowel. In the first experiment of identification correctness in VCV iambus environment, all groups showed almost 100% correctness rate, while in trochee environment all groups were different(native speaker 87%, college high 74%, college low 70%, elementary 65%). In the second experiment of cue robustness, all groups showed the similar perceptual pattern in both environments. There was the order of robustness cues in VCV trochee: pre-vowel ${\gg}$ closure ${\gg}$ VOT ${\gg}$ post-vowel, while the order in VCV iambus: VOT ${\gg}$ post-vowel ${\gg}$ closure ${\gg}$ pre-vowel. In some condition, however, we found moderately different perceptual pattern depending on language, age and listening level.

• 대한후두음성언어의학회지
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• 제7권1호
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• pp.50-55
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• 1996

Acoustic analysis study was performed on 20 normal subjects by speaking nonsense syllables composed of Korean bilabial stops$(/P, P^{\star}, P^{h}/)$ and their preceding and/or following vowel /a/ (that is, $[pa, p^{\star}a, p^{h}a, apa, ap^{\star}a, ap^{h}a]$) with an ultraminiature pressure, sensor. in their mouths. Speech materials were phonated twice, once with a moderate voice, another time with a loud voice. The acoustic signal and intraoral pressure were recorded simultaneously on computer. By these procedures, we were to measure the intraoral pressure, closure duration and VOT of Korean bilabial stops, and to compare the values one another according to the intensity of phonation and the position of the target consonants. Intraoral pressure was measured by the peak intraoral pressure value of Its wave closure duration by the time interval between the onset of intraoral pressure build-up and the burst meaning the release of closure ; Voice onset time(VOT) on by the time interval between the burst and the onset or glottal vibration. Heavily aspirated bilabial stop consonant /$p^h$/ showed the highest intraoral pressure value, unaspirated /$p^{\star}$/, the second, slightly aspirated /P/, the lowest. The syllable initial bilabial stops showed higher intraoral pressure than word initial stops, and the value of loudly phonated consonants were higher than moderate consonants. The longest closure duration period was that of /$p^{\star}$/ and the shortest, /P/, and the duration was longer in word initial position and in the moderate voice. In VOT, the order of the longest to shortest was $/{p^h}/, /p/, /{p^\star}/$, and the value was shorer when the consonant was in intervocalic position and when it was phonated with a loud voice.

• 대한후두음성언어의학회지
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.217-224
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• 1997

The present study was performed to investigate the voice onset time(VOT) of Korean stop consonants as the expanded research of Pyo and Choi(1996) : the intensity, and the air flow rate of Korean stops as the preliminary study f3r the classical singing training. Nine Korean stops(/P, P', $P^{h}$/, /t, t', $t^{h}$/, /k, k', $k^{h}$/) and a vowel /a/ were used as speech materials. CV and VCV syllable patterns were used for VOT measurement, and CV pattern was used for intensity and air flow rate measurement. Five males and five females pronounced the speech tasks with comfortable pitch and intensity : VOT, intensity, and air flow rate were measured. As results, the prevocalic stop consonants showed bilabials, the shortest VOT and velars, the longest one, except the unaspirated stops which showed the shortest was velar /k'/, and the alveolar /t'/ was the longest. Considering the tensity, heavily aspirated stops showed the longest, and the unaspirated, the shortest. Also the intervocalic stops showed similar results with the prevocalic stops, except the slightly aspirated stops which showed alveolar sound was the longest, and the bilabials, which showed the shortest was the slightly aspirated /p/, unlike the prevocalic stops, the unaspirated /p'/ the shortest. All of prevocalic stops showed the highest air flow rate in heavily aspirated stops, the second, thee slightly aspirated ones, and the lowest was the unaspirated stops. And as a whole, bilabials were the highest, and velars, the lowest, except in the heavily aspirated stops, which was the alveolar sound, the lowest. In the dimension of intensity, the unaspirated and bilabials were the highest, and the heavily aspirated and velars were e lowest, except the slightly aspirated stops, which were the bilabials the lowest, and the alveolars the highest.