• MALSORI
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• no.64
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• pp.53-76
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• 2007

This study investigates phonation types of Korean obstruents associated with the vowels immediately following singletons or geminates in intervocalic positions. F0, H1-H2, and spectral tilt were measured from the 20 ms segment at the onset of the vowels for the tokens of /paCa/ and /paCCa/, where Cs are of the same manner and place of articulation. The results showed a remarkable change in the values of F0, H1-H2, and spectral tilt as the preceding obstruents shifts from the lenis singletons to the lenis geminates, which suggests that the spectral characteristics of the vowels following the lenis geminates are not different from those of the vowels following fortis singletons or geminates. Significantly enough, this study adds data about the spectral characteristics of Korean phonation types.

• Proceedings of the Acoustical Society of Korea Conference
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• 1998.06e
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• pp.93-96
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• 1998

이 논문은 모음 사이에 오는 예사소리와 된소리의 음향적 특징을 비교하여 예사소리와 된소리 사이에 뚜렷한 차이가 나는 음향적 특징 가운데 몇 개를 골라 그것을 변수로 삼았을 때 청취에 미치는 영향을 알아보는 것을 목적으로 삼았다. 모음 사이에 오는 예사소리와 된소리의 음향적 특징은 첫째, 자음의 폐쇄지속 시간이 된소리가 예사소리보다 길다. 둘째, 예사소리 앞에 오는 모음의 길이가 된소리 앞에 오는 모음의 길이보다 길다. 셋째, VOT는 예사소리와 된소리 사이에 차이가 거의 없다. 이 같은 음향적 특징 가운데에서 자음의 폐쇄지속시간과 앞에 오는 모음의 길이가 예사소리와 된소리의 구별에 영향을 미치는 반면 앞에 오는 모음의 길이는 예사소리와 된소리의 구별에 영향을 미치지 않았다.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.107-117
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• 2001

The purpose of this study is to revisit the property of tapping, based on the data from Yonbyon Korean. Taps have been described as short segments derived from corresponding stops or trills. It is also widely assumed that tapping occurs due to lenition to minimize articulatory effort. However, Yonbyon Korean data show that taps can occur in strong as well as weak positions The results of the acoustic experiments conducted in this study show that in syllable-onset position, obstruent taps consistently appear from the underlying laterals, while in intervocalic position, sonorant taps similar to American English taps occur. The results of this study provide evidence against the uniform account of tapping as the result of lenition.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.6
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• pp.7-24
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• 1999

Eleven Korean learners of English took part in an experiment where the production and perception of English /r/ and /l/ in four different word positions was investigated. Overall the subjects made more errors on /l/ in both production and identification tests. The frequency of the subjects' errors was also sensitive to word positions in which the two English liquids occur. Especially the subjects made noticeably fewer errors in intervocalic medial position. It is suggested that the Korean subjects' acquisitional pattern in this particular case of foreign phone learning can be explained more by language particular 'interference' effects rather than 'universal' acoustic arguments such as those given in Dissosway et a1. (1982) and Sheldon and Strange (1982). The results of the experiment also support the minority position among second language educators that in some cases of non-native phone acquisition, learners' production abilities can be developed earlier than their perceptual abilities.

• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.23-30
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• 2002

Phonologically, the difference between the English stops /b, d, g/ and /p, t, k/ is carried by the presence or the absence of the vocal fold vibration throughout their oral closure phase. If phonology has its foundation in phonetics, there must be phonetic evidence for the voiced-voiceless distinction. This study is aimed to determine whether or not the voiced-voiceless distinction is acceptable or proper in English. The determination was based mainly on findings in the existing literature and in informal experiments. In conclusion, there is no phonetic evidence for the voiced-voiceless distinction both in production and perception. The [voice] appears to be one of potential phonetic correlates of the phonologically voiced stop. It is improper to use the [voice] as independent phonological marker, regardless of position (word-initial, intervocalic, word-final). A feature other than the voiced-voiceless feature must distinguish /b, d, g/ from /p, t, k/.

• MALSORI
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• no.25_26
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• pp.38-51
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• 1993

Korean phonology has not recognised metrical foot as a phonological unit to account for certain phonological processes. This paper, however, suggests that an optional h-deletion process in Korean should require the notion of metrical foot as an independent phonological domain. The previous analyses rely on the notion of speech speed to explain optional h-deletion : i. e. an intervocalic h is deleted in fast speech, but in slow speech it remains. This paper claims that the notion of speech speed should be reinterpreted in terms of metrical foot : i.e. foot-internal t is deleted, but foot-initial h remains. Such analysis provides evidence that metrical foot constitutes a phonological unit in Korean phonology. With the notion of metrical foot, it enables us to achieve more detailed and accurate analysis of the optional h-deletion process in Korean.

• Speech Sciences
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• v.8 no.3
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• pp.201-208
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• 2001

The purpose of the study was to examine a method most pertinent to measure subglottic air pressure. Subglottic air pressure and loudness analyses were performed on vowels /a/, /i/ and consonant /p/ in 12 normal subjects using. Aerophone II voice function. The experimental contexts were, therefore, /i:pi:pi:/ and /a:pa:pa:/. The subjects produced the intervocalic /p/ in 4 different situations: 1) /i:pi:pi:/ with voiceless /p/, 2) /i:pi:pi:/ with voiced /p/, 3) /a:pa:pa:/ with voiceless /p/, and 4) /a:pa:pa:/ with voiced /p/. A t-test and a correlation analysis revealed the following results. First, when we measured subglottic air pressure by /i:pi:pi:/, voiceless /p/ was significantly different from voiced /p/. Second, when we measured subglottic air pressure by /a:pa:pa:/, voiceless /p/ was significantly different from voiced /p/. Therefore, it was concluded that voiceless /p/ produced more accurate subglottic air pressure and clinicians needed to have patients produce accurate /p/ when measuring subglottic air pressure using Aerophone II.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.101-110
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• 2018

This study aimed to show that Selkirk's concept of resyllabification offers a better analysis than Kahn's ambisyllabification to account for phonetic resyllabification. We conducted two production experiments to investigate the acoustic characteristics of the English /s/ in real words and nonce words. Ten English native speakers and six English native speakers participated in experiment 1 and experiment 2, respectively. Three acoustic cues - frication duration, center of gravity and aspiration duration of word-medial /s/ - were measured. We found that these three cues of the word-medial /s/ were realized significantly differently depending on the stresshood and openness of the preceding syllable. We preferred Selkirk's resyllabification to Kahn's ambisyllabification to explain this result because the word-medial and intervocalic /s/ behaved as the coda (as opposed to the onset) when the preceding syllable was stressed and open. The result thus suggested that two conditions must be met for the resyllabification rule to apply in English: a word-medial consonant is resyllabified only when its preceding syllable is stressed and open.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.45-55
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• 2021

This study aims to analyze the acoustic characteristics of Korean affricates produced by dysarthric speakers with cerebral palsy. Korean fricatives and affricates are the consonants that are prone to errors in dysarthric speech, but previous studies have focused only on fricatives. For this study, three affricates /tɕ, tɕ^h, ͈tɕ/ appearing at word initial and intervocalic positions produced by six mild-moderate male speakers of spastic dysarthria are selected from a QOLT database constructed in 2014. The parameters representing the acoustic characteristics of Korean affricates were extracted by using Praat: frication duration, closure duration, center of gravity, variance, skewness, kurtosis, and central moment. The results are as follows: 1) frication duration of the intervocalic affricates produced by dysarthric speakers was significantly longer than that of the non-disordered speakers; 2) the closure duration of dysarthric speakers was significantly longer; 3) in the case of the center of gravity, there was no significant difference between the two groups; 4) the skewness of the dysarthric speakers was significantly larger; and 5) the central moment of dysarthric speakers was significantly larger. This study investigated the characteristics of the affricates produced by dysarthric speakers and differences with non-disordered speakers.

• Phonetics and Speech Sciences
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.37-52
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• 2011

This study investigates patterns of the alignment of the accentual peaks in bisyllabic words of the CVNCV, CVNV, and CVNNV structures in North Kyungsang Korean. Based on the tonal alignment, patterns of the F0 pitch excursion are discussed relative to one another. Issues are addressed concerning how the tonal targets are aligned, and how the tonal specifications of nasals in postvocalic, intervocalic, and prevocalic environments are supplied in the LH, HL, and HH classes. Tonal specification of nasals in various environments is accounted for by extension of the L target, displacement of the pitch peak, and interpolation between two tonal targets, depending on the tonal class. The results in this study provide preliminary evidence that the categorical alignment of the tonal targets is implemented by simply checking the presence or absence of a nasal before or after the nucleus vowel on the segmental string, without reference to the constituency of the nasal in the syllable structure. However, the prosodic structure has a key role to play in explaining speaker-dependent variations in the tonal alignment. Sensitivity to tautosyllabicity has an effect on the shape of the F0 contour, and disparity in the patterns of the pitch excursion is represented as a function of syllable structure correlated with segmental composition of the nasal.