• Journal of Distribution Science
• /
• v.14 no.3
• /
• pp.39-44
• /
• 2016

Purpose - The purpose of this research is to investigate whether Korea's economic growth can be explained by the endogenous growth theory. Specifically, we test whether R&D expenditure has a positive and significant effect on the economic growth. Research design, data, and methodology - We hypothesize that R&D expenditure has a positive effect on the economic growth after adding control variables in the growth equation. Korean annual data from 1963 to 2011 from Science and Technology Annual of the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology, the Bank of Korea, etc. are used. We estimate the growth equation by GMM in addition to OLS. Results - We found that R&D expenditure has a positive and significant effect on the economic growth after adding the ratio of investment to GDP, the ratio of FDI to GDP, the ratio of government expenditure to GDP, inflation and the ratio of trade openness to GDP as control variables in the growth equation. Conclusions - Our results show that Korea's rapid economic growth for the past five decades can be explained by the R&D-based endogenous economic growth theory. Our results suggest that the policy attention of the Korean government be paid to R&D promotion.

• Korea Trade Review
• /
• v.44 no.1
• /
• pp.193-205
• /
• 2019

It is important to accurately analyze the various factors such as the local situation of the purchasable countries and the international situation in order to export defense industrial goods developed in Korea and to enter overseas markets based on the results. In the case of defense materials, unlike the civilian sector, there are a limited number of countries with high export potential. Therefore, to select a possible export market, it is necessary to consider the purchasing power index through the examination of the purchasability of the exportable market. Therefore, the present study chose a total of 18 purchasing power indicators in five major categories of economic power, military power, defense science and technology level, friendly relations with Korea, and possibility of dispute. By calculating each weight with AHP and Fuzzy-AHP analysis, the results was presented the purchasing power index and the weighting. Based on the results will contribute to the study on the method of selecting the export market of the defense materials and the establishment of the export policy of the defense industry.

• Korea Trade Review
• /
• v.45 no.5
• /
• pp.181-200
• /
• 2020

The Korea-Canada FTA and the EVTA have adopted cross-cumulation clauses in their rules of origin, aiming at the enhancement of the value chains among the FTA parties. In fact, intricate rules of origin are often considered as the major cause that discourages the utilization of the agreement for the exporting firms. From this perspective, the correct understanding of cross-cumulation clauses in FTAs is an urgent mission for the Korean exporters as well, and the EVTA, which has recently introduced the cross-cumulation method in a linkage with the Korea-EU FTA provides the timely motivation. This paper first analyzes the Korea-Canada FTA of 2015 as for the case study, because this is a unique trade agreement for Korea that has already adopted the cross-cumulation clauses. It is concluded that the clause is rather vague, particularly in certifying the origins of the intermediate goods from the territory of an authorized third party. From this perspective, the recently-ratified EVTA is particularly important and meaningful with its clearer explanations for the utilization of the privileged rules of origin. The paper finalizes the study by making policy suggestions to the stakeholders, expecting more future FTAs to come equipped with similar cumulative rules of origin, and implies the possibility of the modification of the current clauses in the FTA with Canada.

• Convergence Security Journal
• /
• v.14 no.3_1
• /
• pp.35-44
• /
• 2014

It has been shown that the lack of sufficient defense industry cooperation between Korea and the US. The severe imbalance in defense trade between tow countries and Korea's weak defense industrial base has been a problem. This paper suggests the enhancement of defense industry cooperation with the US as a defense policy. The US policy has been changed to utilize the globalization of defense industries. The following cases were analyzed to show the policy change; The security of supply arrangement with 6 countries, the defense cooperation treaty with the United Kingdom and Australia. the defense Memorandum of Understanding with 23 countries, and the international cooperation with 8 countries for F-35 JSF program. Korea government needs to sign a defense MOU with U.S. and the defense industries are recommended to increase the opportunities of weapon system co-development and co-production. So that the Korea defense industry may improve competitiveness and to overcome the current weaknesses.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
• /
• v.29 no.1
• /
• pp.79-112
• /
• 2007

Opening domestic market to international trade may enhance not only actual competition but also potential competition from foreign competitors. It seems that the competition authority has focused mainly on the actual competition (measured by the current market share) and has paid less attention to the potential competition. In this regards, this paper investigated the relation between potential foreign competition and domestic market structure. Using dynamic panel regression model, we analyzed the dynamic response of import penetration to the changes of domestic market condition in Korea as a proxy for the degree of potential foreign competition. The empirical results suggests that potential foreign competition does exist in the Korean manufacturing sector and this tendency is more stronger when the market is more concentrated. Thus, in order to effectively implement competition policy, it is necessary to consider both actual and potential competition.

• International Commerce and Information Review
• /
• v.19 no.3
• /
• pp.107-127
• /
• 2017

This paper aims to analyze comparing the international competitiveness of Korea and China of ICT 10 goods in ASEAN Big 6 countries.(Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Singapore, Thailand, Philippines). In this study, we investigate major trends in Korea's ICT goods through various data analysis and evaluate. From 2009 to 2016, As analyzed by ESI, CTB, and EMS, This paper showed Korea has increased its export, EMS and Export Competitiveness to ASEAN. However, due to rapid imports, the trade balance deteriorated and ESI decreased. China showed signs of improvement in international competitiveness, although exports, ESI and EMS were declining. Compared to South Korea, China has seen less export bias to ASEAN. ASEAN is becoming an increasingly important trade partner in Korea's ICT exporting. This paper points out several policy implications drawn from its analyses and findings.

• East Asian Economic Review
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.31-59
• /
• 2020

China's increasing trade volume and continuous integration with global financial markets have strengthened the influences of the renminbi on the exchange rates of different currencies. Previous studies find closer co-movements between the renminbi and other currencies. This paper is novel to investigate the underlying determinants of the co-movement further, using panel data of over thirty-four countries. Our results show that stronger bilateral trade and financial linkages with China have a positive association with the currency co-movement. Moreover, countries with greater flexibility in exchange rate regimes show stronger co-movements. These findings imply that growing co-movements are the consequence of autonomous decisions at the market rather than that of management by governments or central banks.

• East Asian Economic Review
• /
• v.20 no.3
• /
• pp.311-338
• /
• 2016

In the race for establishing trading architecture consistent with new landscape of the global economy, the US is ahead of the game by concluding the Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement with 11 countries. To make it reality, the ratification is essential. In the battle for ratification in the US, declining globalism confronts rising protectionism. This paper models the ratification process as contest between globalism and protectionism, and analyzes the optimal timing for ratification. Based on this framework, various ratification scenarios are analyzed. The paper argues less likelihood for the lame-duck session passage and more likelihood for prolonged and protracted delay, due to changing political dynamics and declining intellectual support for globalism. Hence, the future of Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement may prove different, compared to the North American Free Trade Agreement and the Korea-US Free Trade Agreement, both of which were renegotiated and ratified eventually. Then, the US would lose the first move advantage. The paper also discusses strategic implications of delayed ratification on the evolution of trading architecture in East Asia.

• East Asian Economic Review
• /
• v.16 no.2
• /
• pp.155-204
• /
• 2012

This study maps out the degree of liberalization of trade in services under four ASEAN+n frameworks. After constructing a database showing the existence of limitations on market access and/or national treatment by each service sector, the study finds that the commitment level differs greatly between sensitive and less sensitive sectors, and that the commitment level under the ASEAN Framework Agreement (AFAS) is the highest among the four FTAs studied. It also finds that there are cross-country and sector-wide similarities in the pattern of service sector commitment under and across each of the FTAs; this implies that the shared domestic sensitivities can be overcome by a shared economic cooperation scheme for enhancing competitiveness in the ASEAN+n region.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.1 no.2
• /
• pp.31-43
• /
• 2017

The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical analysis of Chinese global leadership. The concept of leadership is applied as a methodology, which involves identifying the main factors, such as strategic power, the attractiveness of political institutions, the ability to provide acceptable ideas and the presence of allies that contribute to a comprehensive analysis of the country's leadership potential. The authors also describe the relevance of Chinese global leadership and analyze its domestic, economic and international causes. Moreover, the ''Belt and Road'' initiative is defined as the main mechanism for providing the influence of China on the global level which is now being changed its quantitative component, namely the increasing attention to the security aspects of this initiative. In addition to that, it is important to note that China maintains its economic and political positions in Africa, Central Asia and South-East Asia. Africa has a special role in the Chinese ''Belt and Road'' initiative as a recipient of Chinese investments and a site for the deployment of China's naval facilities to protect the trade routes. On the regional level, China will strive to become a leader of the trade and economic processes in the Asia-Pacific region, the South China Sea and the North Korea nuclear program issues. The American factor in modern international relations, namely so-called "Trump factor", which means the U.S. withdrawal from the Trans-Pacific Partnership and the Paris Agreement, will cause demand for Chinese leadership in the Asia-Pacific region and in the world as well. However, in this case a number of questions arise: is China prepared for this? Is Beijing able to bear greater responsibility? Does China have the potential for this? The article concludes that China will not become global leaders in the next 20-30 years, because of internal (political reforms) and foreign policy reasons (doctrinal formulation of foreign policy initiatives, military-political and economic power, international posture and relations with other states). The authors believe that the implementation of Chinese leadership is possible not on the condition of confrontation between China and the United States, but on the establishing of constructive relations between these countries. The last meeting between Trump and Xi Jinping showed a trend for creating channels for dialogue between Beijing and Washington, which can become the basis for interaction. An important place in the work is given to the analysis of development and forecasting the evolution of Russian-Chinese and U.S.-China relations. As for Russia, Moscow should conduct a policy that will not allow it to become a ''junior partner'' of China.