• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.44-64
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• 2017

Russia's push in the Asia-Pacific region stems from its interests that have the national, regional and global dimensions. In their turn, the aims of this policy are civilizational, geopolitical, economic and prospective, with a long-term outlook. In the course of their achievement, cooperation with Northeast Asia's countries will play one of the key roles owing to the factors of geographic proximity, Northeast Asia's economic potential, risk hedging and a growing influence Northeast Asia exerts upon the global development. A new cooperation paradigm between Russia and the states of Northeast Asia should be based upon establishing and cementing self-reproducing ties. This is the central aim of Russian initiatives in relations, with Japan, the Republic of Korea, Democratic People's Republic of Korea, Mongolia and China. However, numerous obstacles ranging from Russia's absence in the regional free trade agreements and supply-production chains of value-added production to the permanent international instability generated by Pyongyang's missile-nuclear developments hamper the practical implementation of this task. Realizing the necessity to give an additional impetus to this new cooperative paradigm, Russia has to develop directions with an apparent consolidating effect. The most promising may be the establishment of a permanent security forum based upon Northeast Asia Peace and Security Mechanism chaired by the Russian Federation. The urgency of this measure and its expected support stem from the necessity to strengthen security in Northeast Asia, a task neither the US-led hub-and-spoke system nor ASE-AN-led multilateral dialogue venues have been able to resolve. The issues addressed at the security forum must include the unification of approaches to North Korean nuclear issue and producing a document specifying actions of the claimants on the disputed maritime territories in the "direct contact" situations. At the expert level, Russia has elaborated on the idea to establish such a forum outlining the spectrum of the key directions of cooperation. With the urgency in the establishment of this dialogue venue, its agenda has to be coordinated with the agendas of the existing security systems presented by the US alliances and the ASE-AN-led multilateral negotiations. The practical implementation of this initiative will strengthen security in Northeast Asia as its challenges will be resolved in the pre-emptive way based on coordinated approaches. Therefore, Russia as the Eurasian state will be one of the role players in the advent of the Asian century.

• The Journal of Economics, Marketing and Management
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.73-81
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• 2024

Purpose: South Korea is a close ally of the US and an important partner of China. Caught between the two most powerful countries, South Korea's strategic directions are critical. This article emphasizes that the deeper core of the US-China trade war is to improve the business environment to attract foreign direct investment (FDI) to boost the economy, rather than engaging in the trade war. Research design, data, and methodology: Considering the complexity of this issue, this article applies a systematic analytical tool, the ABCD (Agility, Benchmarking, Convergence, and Dedication) model, to provide strategic guidance for inducing investments into South Korea in the context of the ongoing US-China trade war. Results: Specifically, South Korea needs to provide a more attractive business environment along the four points: expedite commercial activities through deregulation (Agility); adopt global standards of the flexible labor markets and technological developments (Benchmarking); integrate various industries and connect them to global value chains (Convergence); and create more economy-friendly policies rather than politics-oriented ones such as protectionism (Dedication). Conclusion: This study stands out not just by utilizing the ABCD model but, also by providing more systematic analysis and practical implications, particularly within the context of the escalating US-China competition. Unlike many existing studies that analyze the broader impacts of this geopolitical rivalry, this research delves into specific strategic guidelines for South Korea to attract FDI. The findings also provide implications for multinational corporations (MNCs) in choosing the locations for their overseas operations, particularly in South Korea.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.227-231
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• 2024

This study purports to examine the potential effects of welfare attitudes of Korean people upon their political orientation. The 17^th Korea Welfare Panel Data(KWPD) in 2022 are used for this purpose. Independent variable include sex, age, education, interest in politics, and employment status. Discriminant analysis show several results. First and foremost, pre-established discriminant function works well for classification of respondents' liberal vs conservative stance. Secondly, except gender and dummy variable for temporary employed, all independent variables contribute significantly for the classification at a given significance level. . Finally, welfare attitudes of respondents', measured by universalism vs selectivism and the attitudes upon increasing tax for welfare expenditures are found to be significant and relatively big impacts upon dependent variable, compard to other variables in the model. The nature of causal relationship between welfare attitudes and political orientation remains for further study.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.13 no.3
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• pp.543-564
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• 2011

In the process of managing organization, the strategic decision-making and corporate performance are not independent, but they are interdependent each other. In most Korean firms, decision-making power and authority are concentrated on the higher echelons of managerial hierarchies. Examining big five trading conglomerates in Korea, this present paper investigates the relationship between strategic decision-making and a corporate performance. Although a number of review studies on Korean management have been developed over the years, there have been less works designed with decision making in mind. In order to achieve research objectives, this paper predicted some hypotheses, and the major findings include: 1) the influence of Korea's long-standing Confucian tradition and culture dominated across organizations, there have not been significant changes in decision-making process within big five trading firms; 2) top executives' excessive involvement in decision-making process does not hinder corporate performance. This result implies that the decision power is still tended to be centralized in the hands of the top management. 3) However, the power of Board of Directors in decision-making has become increasingly important; and 4) decision makers do not tend to misuse or abuse their political position and power for their own interests.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.327-331
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• 2020

In that this study is a subject and character of risk, emerging security covers non-military areas in addition to traditional military security: environmental security, human security, resource security, and cyber security. The rise of these risks is not only changing the phenomenon of the new expansion of security areas, but also the expansion of the number and scope of security entities and the aspect of security world politics. These risks are transnational security issues at the global level in terms of their nature and extent of the damage, as well as multi-layered ones that affect local and personal security issues at the regional and national levels. In addition to national actors, non-state actors such as international organizations, multinational corporations, and global civil society, and furthermore, technology and social systems themselves are causing risks. Therefore, to solve the new security problem, it is necessary to establish a middle-level and complex governance mechanism that is sought at the regional and global levels beyond the fragmented dimension of the occurrence of new security issues that have been overlooked in the existing frame of perception, and to predict and find ways to respond to new security paradigms that have been identified in a broader sense.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.113-136
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to start from the recognition of the problem of why the sanctions of the international community could not indicate a great effect. In order to find answers to this question, this study focuses on China's aid to North Korea and analyzes the determinants of support for North Korea. Despite a tough international community's sanctions against North Korea, China has taken a dual stance on sanctions and support for North Korea. As for this dual attitude of China, this study approaches the internal and external situation of the support to the North with the rationale for the Two-level game theory. China's sanction against North Korea could be divided into two categories: external factors and domestic factors. These factors include strengthening supremacy in China, checking the US, playing a responsible role in China, securing resources in North Korea, sustaining stable growth in China, maintaining the legitimacy of China's socialist political system, and spreading the Beijing consensus. Based on the analysis of these factors, it could be expected that China's aid for North Korea will be official, informal, or continuous, and it will be difficult for the North to stop supporting North Korea or deteriorating North Korea- China relations.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.635-654
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• 2009

Recently, concepts of multicultural society and/or multiculturalism have been not only widely discussed across several disciplines, but also actively promoted in government's policy, as the in-flow of foreign immigrants has increased rapidly. This paper suggests the term 'multicultural space' instead of multicultural society in a sense that both international migration of immigrants and their accommodation to a certain locality presuppose a spatial dimension. This paper also points out that the term multiculturalsim should be used very carefully, because this term includes a normative character implied in a sense of recognition of ethnic and cultural diversity and difference on the one hand, and an ideological one reflected on strategic policies of capital and the state on the other. On the basis of recognition of these problems, this paper tries to reformulate spatially the concept of muticultural society which has been supposed to be constructed due to rapidly increasing foreign immigrants, emphasizing some usefulness of multi-scalar approach. It then analyzes economic and political contexts of transnational migration, providing a criticism of multiculturalism as an ideological logic of capital and the state in transnational captialism. Finally it put a stress upon importance of struggle for spaces of recognition as a new glocal ethics in the age of post-globalization.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.377-382
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• 2021

《Mu Yang Ai Hua, 牧羊哀話》 is known as the first Korean-sanctioned novel in the history of modern Chinese literature, and is famous for a novel created by the author himself visiting Korea and being inspired. The translation of 《牧羊哀話》 is constantly being re-translated (4 types). These translations also reflect the characteristics of each period, and the translation strategies used have their own characteristics. The results of the comparative analysis of the four types of translations in this study are as follows. The role A was published during the Japanese colonial period, and some parts were reduced and omitted according to the intent of the translator, and a foreignization translation strategy was used. B, C, and D have implemented content equivalence by utilizing many of the localization translation strategies, and added supplementary explanations in part to help readers understand. Since translation is a process of communication, it should not just convert the source text to the target text, but the target reader's response to the work should be the same as that of the reader. Therefore, translation must be able to understand the environment of the times and the readership, and it must use all possible methods to elicit the same emotion and empathy as the reader has read the original text. Therefore, translators need to use their nationalization and foreignization strategies at the same time based on their understanding of the target language and the politics, economy, history, culture, etc. of the destination country.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.449-476
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• 2010

This paper focuses on the security problems in atlantic ocean involved in the USA and Latin America and the Caribbean. The ocean security matters in this region have mainly argued military concerns traditionally. However, the concept of ocean security has been changed in the 21st century and strongly debated with various dimensions: social, human and resource, environment as well. This paper traces these changed concepts currently with many empirical cases existed in many security conflicts in this ocean, especially between the USA and Latin(South) America region. Historically, security conflicts in the OAS(Organization of American States) countries have involved with many military matters, territory and oceans, and currently added up with terrorism and drug problems as well. However, the great and potential conflict emerged in the security issues is resource matter in this ocean and get a dilemma to be sorted out between military and social security matter. For example, the re-establishment of 'the 4th Fleet' in US Navy got a great conflict between the USA and the South American countries, both of them wants to achieve to resource security in this ocean to meet their energy security. Finally this paper addresses some implications and prospects in this conflict in near future and suggests a few solutions and advices for Korean's relation in this ocean.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.111-141
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• 2018

By the middle of 2018 there are signs of China's entry into a new period of development, characterized by a change in the old model: "market reforms-inner-party democratization - moderate foreign policy" to another: "market reforms - Xi Jinping personality cult - offensive foreign policy." This model contains the risks of arising of the contradiction between economic freedom and political-ideological rigidity which can lead to destabilization of the political life. However, in the current positive economic dynamics, these risks may come out, rather, in the medium and long term. Today, the political situation in China remains stable - despite growing dissatisfaction in scientific expert and educational circles due to increased control over the intellectual sphere by the authorities. The need for a new redistribution of power between central and provincial authorities could potentially disrupt political stability in the medium term, but, at the moment, is not a critical negative factor. The economic situation is positive-stable. Forecasts indicate a possible increase in China's GDP in 2018 at 6.5%. At the same time, there are negative expectations in connection with the Sino-US and potentially Sino-European "trade war". In the Chinese foreign policy, as a response to Western pressure, China increasingly uses the Russian direction of its diplomacy in the expanded version of Russia + SCO. The nuance here is seen in China's adjusted approach to the SCO: first of all, not as a mechanism for cooperation with Russia, but as an organization that allows using Russia's potential for pressure on the US in the Sino-US strategic rivalry. In the second half of 2018, the Chinese economy will continue to develop steadily, albeit with unresolved traditional problems (debts of provinces and state-owned enterprises, ineffective state sector, risks on the financial and real estate market). In politics, discontent with the cult of Xi will accumulate, but without real threats to its power. Weakening in economic opposition between China and the United States is possible due to Beijing's search for compromises on tariffs, intellectual property, trade deficit. To find such trade-offs, Xi will use the so-called. "Personal diplomacy" of direct contacts with Trump.