• Informatization Policy
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.73-94
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• 2021

This study aimed to analyze the minutes of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee, one of the standing committees of the Korean National Assembly, by applying the WORDFISH algorithm of automated text analysis to estimate the pattern of changes in the ideological orientation of the members of Korea's political elite. The results of the analysis showed that the Legislation and Judiciary Committee generally undergoes changes in ideological orientation around the time of a major administrative change, especially during the period preceding a change up to the time of its implementation. Compared with the United States, where changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite occur simultaneously based on parties, changes in that of the political elite at the Korean National Assembly tend to occur in response to a certain transitional point in time or a change in the ruling government. What is especially noteworthy in terms of the ideological orientation reflected in the minutes of the Legislative Judiciary Committee is that the microscopic effect tends to disappear when the macroscopic effect occurs and, conversely, that the microscopic effect emerges once the macroscopic effect has disappeared. In other words, changes in the ideological orientation of the political elite appear to indicate the effect of a particular legislator's individual characteristics when no effect is observed during a given term or year of the National Assembly, whereas they revealed the effect of a given time itself when no effects related with the individual characteristics of a legislator are discerned.

• Journal of Industrial Convergence
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• v.20 no.5
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• pp.21-28
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• 2022

Unlike previous studies, this study looked at the effect of the ideological tendencies of local government heads on the social welfare budget as a longitudinal study. This study was made possible by the election of the head of a progressive group in Gumi-si, a stronghold of conservatives, after the implementation of the local self-government system. Therefore, in this study, the change process of the political ideological orientation of Gumi-si's heads and the social welfare budget by year were listed and time-series analysis was conducted using actual cases of Gumi-si, Gyeongbuk for more than 12 years. As a result of the analysis, first, as in the cross-sectional analysis, in the longitudinal study, the change in the rate of increase in the social welfare budget according to the political ideological tendencies of the head of the local government showed a meaningful difference. Second, as in the previous cross-sectional analysis, the social welfare budget increased in the year before the election. Third, the same change in the growth rate as in the second did not appear at the end of the third elected term. All studies on the relationship between the political ideological tendencies of local government heads (including local councils) and the social welfare budget have been cross-sectional. However, this study has great implications in terms of the results of the first longitudinal cross-sectional analysis.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.48
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• pp.170-190
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• 2009

The aim of this study is to examine the ideological orientation of Minjujungbo which was the first and the largest newspaper in Busan during the U.S. Military Government in Korea. For this purpose this study analyzed the personal history of the editorial staffs and the coverage of the three historical events. The events analyzed were the supporting statement to trusteeship by Korean Communist Party in Jan. 1946, the money counterfeit by Jungpansa in May, 1946 and the general strike in Sep. 1946. The coverages of Minjujungbo on these three events were compared with those of other newspapers which had shown the orientation of the rightist, the neutral, and the leftist respectively. Most of the editorial staffs had been involved the leftist movement but were not socialist to the core at that time. Most of them were the members of Pusanilbo which was published by Japanese in late colonial period. The coverages of Minjujungbo were analyzed to be similar to those of Seoulsinmun which was evaluated as the neutral. But the coverage of the general strike was analyzed as leftist slightly. In conclusion it can be said that the ideological orientation of Minjujungbo was the left-of-center.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.117-155
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to identify the relationship between people's ideological orientation and the populist attitude in terms of demand of populism. The influence of subjective ideology evaluation and political party support on anti-elitism (AE), people centrism (PC) and anti-pluralism (AP) are analyzed in detail. To research this, the socioeconomic factors, democracy recognition and the method of political participation are set as control variables, and the ideologies are classified into extreme conservative, conservative, moderate, progress, and extreme progress. The data are collected through nationwide online survey. The results of the analysis are as follows: First, the powerful affinity between ideological orientation and populist attitude are confirmed. The support for conservative ideology (especially extreme conservative) and the conservative party are affecting the AE and AP, and the ideology of extreme progress and support for the progressive party are influencing the PC and AP. When putting together 3 types of attitude, the conservative (especially extreme conservative) and extreme progressive ideology are the factors that determine the populism attitude. Second, There was no impact of socioeconomic variables except gender (female) and age. Third, populist attitude have a multidimensional nature determined by democratic satisfaction, government trust, external efficacy, voting and non-voting activities.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.17 no.1
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• pp.155-174
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• 2011

The purpose of this study was to compare the kinds of plays and the meanings of words in play songs among children of Han heritage. A total of three data sets were used. Data for two of the data sets were obtained from only South Korean children in 1990 and 2005, respectively, while the other data set contained responses from South Korean, Chinese Korean, and North Korean children collected in 1999. The three societies of Han heritage differed in the level of economic and industrial development and ideological orientation, and each society tended to socialize and educate their children in different ways. The kind of plays and the lyrics of the play songs were different in each stage by the level of economic and industrial development, and ideological orientation. In each society, a dominant play changed periodically. For instance, physical play decreased while television, video, and internet game plays increased. The increase in internet game play was related to the level of industrial development. Although three groups shared some common play songs prior to 1945, they have developed their own play songs after 1945 according to their respective social ideological characteristics. Notwithstanding these differences in play songs, common themes, materials, rhythms, and the Korean emotionality exist across all groups.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.549-566
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• 2008

This study examines the effect of social conservative values that have risen as an important factor in American politics. Focusing on the abortion issue, it discusses how the abortion issue has affected American voters' issue and party preferences and their ideological orientations. The empirical results demonstrate that the abortion issue has contributed to reinforce the existing ideological and partisan divisions, although it has not realigned them. As a consequence, the abortion issue has become a significant determinant for vote choice since 1980s. Particularly in 1990s, when the polarization among the political elites became clear, the political effect of the abortion issue appears to be more evident.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.11 no.4
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• pp.304-326
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• 2023

News shows often deliver crosscutting information to their audiences by inviting commentators from rival political parties. If these news shows foster the formation of informed and balanced views of the audience, mass media could provide countermeasures against political polarization. To test the effect of such news shows, this study conducted an experiment with two variants of a simulated radio talk show. In the partisan scenario, the two guest commentators' affiliations suggested their ideological orientation. In the non-partisan scenario, the commentators had neutral affiliations. We divided participants into two ideology groups, liberals and conservative, and compared each group's evaluation of the commentators in the two scenarios. Two multivariate analysis of variance (MANOVA) tests were conducted to analyze the effect of the perceived ideology of the commentators on respondents' attitudes toward the commentators' arguments depending on their own ideological inclinations. The analyses results did not support the hypothesis that anticipated partisan attitudes towards the commentators' arguments. It was only the liberal respondents who showed statistically significant different attitudes toward commentators' arguments in each of the two scenarios. The findings suggest that such broadcast shows do not automatically trigger partisan message processing and may help the audience to develop informed and balanced opinions. While the current study failed to find conclusive evidence to support the hypotheses, it also found that the perceived ideology of the information source may trigger partisan attitudes for certain types of issues. Future studies with different experiment designs are needed to investigate the issue further.

• Korean Journal of Artificial Intelligence
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.9-16
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• 2024

In this study, we delve into the effects of personalization algorithms on the creation of "filter bubbles," which can isolate individuals intellectually by reinforcing their pre-existing biases, particularly through personalized Google searches. By setting up accounts with distinct ideological learnings-progressive and conservative-and employing deep neural networks to simulate user interactions, we quantitatively confirmed the existence of filter bubbles. Our investigation extends to the deployment of an LSTM model designed to assess political orientation in text, enabling us to bias accounts deliberately and monitor their increasing ideological inclinations. We observed politically biased search results appearing over time in searches through biased accounts. Additionally, the political bias of the accounts continued to increase. These results provide numerical evidence for the existence of filter bubbles and demonstrate that these bubbles exert a greater influence on search results over time. Moreover, we explored potential solutions to mitigate the influence of filter bubbles, proposing methods to promote a more diverse and inclusive information ecosystem. Our findings underscore the significance of filter bubbles in shaping users' access to information and highlight the urgency of addressing this issue to prevent further political polarization and media habit entrenchment. Through this research, we contribute to a broader understanding of the challenges posed by personalized digital environments and offer insights into strategies that can help alleviate the risks of intellectual isolation caused by filter bubbles.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.17
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• pp.227-237
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• 2004

The concrete, practical orientation of the Chinese toward the aim of communal harmony conditioned their approach toward philosophical differences. Ideological conflicts were seen, not only by the politicians but by the intellectuals themselves, to threaten societal well-being. Harmonious interaction was finally more important to these thinkers than abstract issues of who had arrived at the 'truth'. Perhaps the most obvious illustation of the way the Chinese handled their theoretical conflicts is to be found in mutual accommodation of the three emergent traditions of Chinese culture, Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism. Beginning in the Han dynasty(206 BC-AD 200), the diverse themes inherited from the competing 'hundred schools' of pre-imperial China were harmonized within Confucianism as it ascended to become the state ideology. The harmony among confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism, traditional philosophical trend in China, is very important research subject at contemporary circumstance. For its cultual influences to surrounding nations, such as Korea, japan and Vietnam etc., are so crucial.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.9
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• pp.195-207
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• 2020

This study aims to analyze how the Korean liberal and conservative newspapers cover the filibuster for blocking the passage of the anti-terrorism act for the protection of citizens and public security by the main opposition party. For the comparative analysis of the Korean liberal and conservative newspapers, this study analyzes how the newspapers used news frame, news source, key word, and news theme. To analyze the effects on news coverage of the newspapers' ideological orientation, this study selects six newspapers: Hankyoreh Shinmun, Kyunghyang Shinmun, Ohmynews from liberal newspapers and Chosun Ilbo, Donga Ilbo, Joongang Ilbo from conservative newspapers. According to research findings, the liberal and conservative newspapers show clear distinction while using news frames when the newspapers cover the filibuster. The liberal newspapers cover the filibuster as a positive political action while the conservative newspapers cover the filibuster as a negative political action. In addition, as key word, "disturbance" is mentioned most by the conservative newspapers while "poisonous clauses" is used most by the liberal newspapers. As a result, this study shows that newspapers are influenced by ideological orientations while covering political issues.