Dreams of Admiral Yi Sun-sin (1545-1598) in Nanjung Ilgi (Diary in War Time) and Some Aspects of His Personality: From Jungian Viewpoint (≪난중일기≫에서 본 이순신의 꿈과 인격의 몇 가지 측면: 분석심리학적 입장에서)
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- Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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- v.37 no.2
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- pp.99-148
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- 2022
This study aims at the psychological elucidation of some conscious aspects of the personality of Yi Sun-sin (1545-1598), the Korean national hero, and the unconscious teleologic meanings of his dreams mentioned in Nanjung Ilgi (Diary in War Time) from the viewpoint of analytical psychology of C.G. Jung. Yi Sun-sin was a man of discipline, incorporated with the spirit of Confucian filial piety, hyo (hsiao) and royalty, chung. He was a stern man but with a warm heart. In his diary, Yi Sun-sin poured forth his feelings of suffering, despair, and extreme solicitude caused by slanders of his political opponents, his grief for the loss of mother and son, and his worries about the fate of his country, which the Japanese invaders now plundered. The moon night offered him the opportunity to touch with his inner soul, by reciting poems, playing Korean string, 'Keomungo', and flute. Further, he widened his scope by asking for the answers from the 'Heaven' through divination and dream. Yi Sun-sin's attitude toward his mother who raised the future hero and maternal principles were considered in concern with the Jungian term 'mother complex'. Won Gyun, Yi Sun-sin's rival admiral, who persistently accused Yi Sun-sin of 'slanders,' certainly represents the unconscious shadow image of Yi Sun-sin. The reciprocal 'shadow' projection has intervened in the conflicting relationship between Yi and Won. In concern to the argument for the suicidal death of Yi Sun-sin, the author found no evidence supporting such an argument, No trace of latent suicidal wish was found in his dreams. For Yi Sun-sin, the determination of the life and death depends on Heaven. 32 dreams from the diary and 3 from other historical references were reviewed and analyzed in the Jungian way. Symbols of anima, Self, and individuation process were found. His dream repeatedly suggests that Yi Sun-sin is an extraordinary man chosen by the divine man (神人). In the dream, Yi Sun-sin was a disciple of the divine man receiving instructions on various strategies, and he alone could see the great thing or events. The dream of a beautiful blue and red dragon, whom he was friendly touching, indicates Yi Sun-sin's eligibility for the kingship. Yi Sun-sin seemingly did not aware of this message of the unconscious. Perhaps he sensed something special but did not identify with 'the disciple of gods' and 'royal dragon' in his dream. His modest attitude toward the dream has prevented him from falling into ego inflation. There were warning signals in two dreams that suggested disorders in the dreamer's instinctive feminine drive. Spirits of the dead father and brothers appear in the dream, giving advice or mourning for the death of Sun-sin's mother. Though Yi Sun-sin was a genuine Confucian gentleman, a dream revealed his unconscious drive to destroy the Confucian authoritative 'Persona' by trampling down the cylindrical traditional Korean hat. To the dreams of synchronicity phenomena Yi Sun-sin immediately solves the problem in concrete reality. He understood dreams as valuable messages from the superior entity, for example, the Confucian Heaven (天) or Heaven's Decree (天命). Furthermore, the 'Heaven' presumably arranged for him the way to the national hero and imposed necessary trials upon him. Both his persecutors and advocates of him guided him in the way of a hero. Yi Sun-sin followed his destiny and completed the living myth of the hero. His mother, King Seon-jo, and prime minister Liu Seong Yong, all have contributed to embodying the myth of the hero. Yi Sun-sin died and became god, the divine healer of the nation.
This paper studies the time-space and appreciation of the performance culture of Gwanseo region, which is considered to have formed a characteristic culture in late Joseon period. For this purpose, 4 gasa written in hangeul (Korean alphabet), as well as 4 yeonhaeng gasa, 108 articles of Gwanseoakbu were examined. Plus, among the 9 types of yeonhaengrok (Documents of Performance culture) written in Chinese character, those parts which describe the performance traits have been analyzed. Then, 'main list of terminology' has been deduced based on the categorization according to the following points : 1) subjects of performance and appreciation 2) time and period of performance 3) space of performance 4) contents of performance 5) background and motive for performance and 6) method of performance. Through this process, various 'nouns' and 'predicate verbs' in relation to performance culture emerged, which were systemized according to types of performance elements and categories. Major terminology includes predicate verbs and symbolic verbs such as nokuihongsang,' 'baekdaehongjang,' 'jeolsaekgeumga,' 'cheonga,' 'hwaryu,' 'gamuja,' and 'tongsoja,' as well as the terms already known such as gisaeng, iwon, yangbang, akgong, and jeonak, which refer to musicians and dancers. Subjects of performance were divided into performers and listeners, categorized into concert, music, and dance, according to performance form. In the case for music, it was divided into instrumental or vocal, solo or accompanied (byeongju, self-accompaniment). In the case for vocal music, noteworthy was the inclusion of profesional artist's singing (called gwangdae or uchang). The record of 23 names of popular artists from Gwanseo region, with mention of special talents for each person, reflects the degree of activeness and artistic level of the province. Depending on the appreciating patrons, the audience were indicated as the terms including 'yugaek (party guest),' jwasang,' 'on jwaseok,' and 'sonnim (guests).' It seems that appraisal for a certain performance was very much affected by the tastes, views, and disposition of the appreciating patrons. Therefore it is interesting to observe different comparative reviews of concerts of different regions given by literary figures, offering various criticism on identical performance. In terms of performance space, it has been divided into natural or architectural space, doing justice to special performance sites such as a famous pavilion or an on-the-boat performance. Specific terms related to the scale and brightness of stage, as well as stage props and cast, based on descriptions of performance space were found. The performance space, including famous pavilions; Yeongwangjeong, Bubyeokru, Baeksangru, Wolparu, and Uigeomjeong, which are all well-known tourist sites of Gwanseo province, have been often visited by viceroys. governors, and envoys during a tour or trip. This, and the fact that full-scale performances were regularly held here, and that more than 15 different kinds of boats which were used for boat concert are mentioned, all confirm the general popularity of boat concerts at the time. Performance time, categorized by season or time of day (am/pm/night) and analyzed in terms of time of occurrence and duration, there were no special limitation as to when to have a performance. Most morning concerts were held as part of official duties for the envoys, after their meeting session, whereas evening concerts were more lengthy in duration, with a greater number of people in the audience. In the case of boat concert, samples include day-time concert and performances that began during the day and which lasted till later in the evening. Major terminology related to performance time and season includes descriptions of time of day (morning, evening, night) and mention of sunset, twilight, moonlight, stars, candles, and lamps. Such terms which reflect the flow of time contributed in making a concert more lively. Terminology for the contents of performance was mostly words like 'instrumental,' 'pungak,' or 'pungnyu.' Besides, contextual expressions gave hints as to whether there were dance, singing, ensemble, solo, and duets. Words for dance and singing used in Gwanseo province were almost identical to those used for gasa and jeongjae in the capital, Hanyang. However, many sentences reveal that performances of 'hangjangmu' of hongmunyeon, sword dance, and baettaragi were on a top-quality level. Moreover, chants in hanmun Chinese character and folk songs, which are characteristic for this region, show unique features of local musical performance. It is judged that understanding the purpose and background of a performance is important in grasping the foundation and continuity of local culture. Concerts were usually either related to official protocol for 'greeting,' 'sending-off,' 'reports,' and 'patrols' or for private enjoyment. The rituals for Gwanseo province characteristically features river crossing ceremony on the Daedong river, which has been closely documented by many. What is more, the Gwanseo region featured continued coming and goings of Pyeongan envoys and local officers, as well as ambassadors to and fro China, which required an organized and full-scale performance of music and dance. The method of performance varied from a large-scale, official ones, for which female entertainers and a great banquet in addition to musicians were required, to private gatherings that are more intimate. A performance may take the form of 'taking turns' or 'a competition,' reflecting the dynamic nature of the musical culture at the time. This study, which is deduction of terminology in relation to the time-space and appreciation culture of musical performances of Gwanseo region in late Joseon period, should be expanded in the future into research on 'the performance culture unique to Gwanseo region,' in relation to the financial and administrative aspects of the province, as well as everyday lifestyle. Furthermore, it could proceed to a more intensive research by a comparative study with related literary documents and pictorial data, which could serve as the foundation for understanding the use of space and stage, as well as the performance format characteristic to Korean traditional performing arts.
Hemodialysis is essential treatment for the chronic renal failure patient's long-term cure and for the patient management before and after kidney transplantation. It sustains the endstage renal failure patient's life which didn't get well despite strict regimen and furthermore it becomes an essential treatment to maintain civil life. Bursing implementation in hemodialysis may affect the significant effect on patient's life. The purpose of this study was to obtain the basic data to solve the hypotension problem encountable to patient and the blood loss problem affecting hemodialysis patient'a anemic states by incomplete rinsing of blood in coil through all process of hemodialysis. The subjects for this study were 44 patients treated hemodialysis 691 times in the hemodialysis unit, The .data was collected at Gang Nam 51. Mary's Hospital from January 1, 1981 to April 30, 1981 by using the direct observation method and the clinical laboratory test for laboratory data and body weight and was analysed by the use of analysis of Chi-square, t-test and anlysis of varience. The results obtained an follows; A. On clinical laboratory data and other data by dialysis Procedure. The average initial body weight was 2.37 ± 0.97kg, and average body weight after every dialysis was 2.33 ± 0.9kg. The subject's average hemoglobin was 7.05±1.93gm/dl and average hematocrit was 20.84± 3.82%. Average initial blood pressure was 174.03±23,75mmHg and after dialysis was 158.45±25.08mmHg. The subject's average blood ion due to blood sample for laboratory data was 32.78±13.49cc/ month. The subject's average blood replacement for blood complementation was 1.31 ±0.88 pint/ month for every patient. B. On the hypotensive state and the coping approaches occurrence rate of hypotension was 28.08%. It was 194 cases among 691 times. 1. In degrees of initial blood pressure, the most 36.6% was in the group of 150-179mmHg, and in degrees of hypotension during dialysis, the most 28.9% in the group of 40-50mmHg, especially if the initial blood pressure was under 180mmHg, 59.8% clinical symptoms appeared in the group of“above 20mmHg of hypotension”. If initial blood pressure was above 180mmHg, 34.2% of clinical symptoms were appeared in the group of“above 40mmHg of hypotension”. These tendencies showed the higher initial blood pressure and the stronger degree of hypotension, these results showed statistically singificant differences. (P=0.0000) 2. Of the occuring times of hypotension,“after 3 hrs”were 29.4%, the longer the dialyzing procedure, the stronger degree of hypotension ann these showed statistically significant differences. (P=0.0142). 3. Of the dispersion of symptoms observed, sweat and flush were 43.3%, and Yawning, and dizziness 37.6%. These were the important symptoms implying hypotension during hemodialysis accordingly. Strages of procedures in coping with hypotension were as follows ; 45.9% were recovered by reducing the blood flow rate from 200cc/min to 1 00cc/min, and by reducing venous pressure to 0-30mmHg. 33.51% were recovered by controling (adjusting) blood flow rate and by infusion of 300cc of 0,9% Normal saline. 4.1% were recovered by infusion of over 300cc of 0.9% normal saline. 3.6% by substituting Nor-epinephiine, 5.7% by substituting blood transfusion, and 7,2% by substituting Albumin were recovered. And the stronger the degree of symptoms observed in hypotention, the more the treatments required for recovery and these showed statistically significant differences (P=0.0000). C. On the effects of the changes of blood pressure and osmolality by albumin and hemofiltration. 1. Changes of blood pressure in the group which didn't required treatment in hypotension and the group required treatment, were averaged 21.5mmHg and 44.82mmHg. So the difference in the latter was bigger than the former and these showed statistically significant difference (P=0.002). On the changes of osmolality, average mean were 12.65mOsm, and 17.57mOsm. So the difference was bigger in the latter than in the former but these not showed statistically significance (P=0.323). 2. Changes of blood pressure in the group infused albumin and in the group didn't required treatment in hypotension, were averaged 30mmHg and 21.5mmHg. So there was no significant differences and it showed no statistical significance (P=0.503). Changes of osmolality were averaged 5.63mOsm and 12.65mOsm. So the difference was smaller in the former but these was no stitistical significance (P=0.287). Changes of blood pressure in the group infused Albumin and in the group required treatment in hypotension were averaged 30mmHg and 44.82mmHg. So the difference was smaller in the former but there is no significant difference (P=0.061). Changes of osmolality were averaged 8.63mOsm, and 17.59mOsm. So the difference were smaller in the former but these not showed statistically significance (P=0.093). 3. Changes of blood pressure in the group iutplemented hemofiltration and in the Uoup didn't required treatment in hypotension were averaged 22mmHg and 21.5mmHg. So there was no significant differences and also these showed no statistical significance (P=0.320). Changes of osmolality were averaged 0.4mOsm and 12.65mOsm. So the difference was smaller in the former but these not showed statistical significance（P=0.199). Changes of blood pressure in the group implemented hemofiltration and in the group required treatment in hypotension were averaged 22mmHg and 44.82mmHg. So the difference was smatter in the former and these showed statistically significant differences (P=0.035). Changes of osmolality were averaged 0.4mOsm and 17.59mOsm. So the difference was smaller in the former but these not showed statistical significance (P=0.086). D. On the changes of body weight, and blood pressure, between the group of hemofiltration and hemodialysis. 1, Changes of body weight in the group implemented hemofiltration and hemodialysis were averaged 3.340 and 3.320. So there was no significant differences and these showed no statistically significant difference, (P=0.185) but standard deviation of body weight averaged in comparison with standard difference of body weight was statistically significant difference (P=0.0000). Change of blood Pressure in the group implemented hemofiltration and hemodialysis were averaged 17.81mmHg and 19.47mmHg. So there was no significant differences and these showed no statistically significant difference (P=0.119), But in comparison with standard deviation about difference of blood pressure was statistically significant difference. (P=0.0000). E. On the blood infusion method in coil after hemodialysis and residual blood losing method in coil. 1, On comparing and analysing Hct of residual blood in coil by factors influencing blood infusion method. Infusion method of saline 200cc reduced residual blood in coil after the quantitative comparison of Saline Occ, 50cc, 100cc, 200cc and the differences showed statistical significance (p < 0.001). Shaking Coil method reduced residual blood in Coil in comparison of Shaking Coil method and Non-Shaking Coil method this showed statistically significant difference (P < 0.05). Adjusting pressure in Coil at OmmHg method reduced residual blood in Coil in comparison of adjusting pressure in Coil at OmmHg and 200mmHg, and this showed statistically significant difference (P < 0.001). 2. Comparing blood infusion method divided into 10 methods in Coil with every factor respectively, there was seldom difference in group of choosing Saline 100cc infusion between Coil at OmmHg. The measured quantity of blood loss was averaged 13.49cc. Shaking Coil method in case of choosing saline 50cc infusion while adjusting pressure in coil at OmmHg was the most effective to reduce residual blood. The measured quantity of blood loss was averaged 15.18cc.
The objective of this paper is to review the changes in fertilizer use pattern and to discuss some aspects of the fertilizer development in Korea. Fertilizer consumption in Korea have steadily increased to triple the application rates of N, P and K during the 15 years from 1965 to 1980, and Korea became one of the countries which apply fertilizers at the highest rate. The ratio of N:
The studies were carried out to disclose the physical and chemical properties of sericin fraction obtained from silk cocoon shells and its characteristics of swelling and solubility. The following results were obtained. 1. The physical and chemical properties of sericin fraction. 1) In contrast to the easy water soluble sericin, the hard soluble sericin contains fewer amino acids include of polar side radical while the hard soluble amino acid sach as alanine and leucine were detected. 2) The easy soluble amino acids were found mainly on the outer part of the fibroin, but the hard soluble amino acids were located in the near parts to the fibroin. 3) The swelling and solubility of the sericin could be hardly assayed by the analysis of the amino acid composition, and could be considered to tee closely related to the compound of the sericin crystal and secondary structure. 4) The X-ray patterns of the cocoon filament were ring shape, but they disappeared by the degumming treatment. 5) The sericin of tussah silkworm (A. pernyi), showed stronger circular patterns in the meridian than the regular silkworm (Bombyx mori). 6) There was no pattern difference between Fraction A and B. 7) X-ray diffraction patterns of the Sericin 1, ll and 111 were similar except interference of 8.85A (side chain spacing). 8) The amino acids above 150 in molecular weight such as Cys. Tyr. Phe. His. and Arg. were not found quantitatively by the 60 minutes-hydrolysis (6N-HCI). 9) The X-ray Pattern of 4.6A had a tendency to disappear with hot-water, ether, and alcohol treatment. 10) The partial hydrolysis of sericin showed a cirucular interference (2A) on the meridian. 11) The sericin pellet after hydrolysis was considered to be peptides composed with specific amino acids. 12) The decomposing temperature of Sericin 111 was higher than that of Sericin I and II. 13) Thermogram of the inner portioned sericin of the cocoon shell had double endothermic peaks at 165
Purpose: To determine the patterns on evaluation and treatment in the patient with early breast cancer treated with conservative surgery and radiotherapy and to improve the radiotherapy techiniques, nationwide survey was peformed. Materials and Methods: A web-based database system for korean Patterns of Care Study (PCS) for 6 common cancers was developed. Two hundreds sixty-one randomly selected records of eligible patients treated between 1998
Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.