• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Design Studies Conference
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• 2004.05a
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• pp.206-207
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• 2004

• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Design Studies Conference
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• 2004.05a
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• pp.210-211
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• 2004

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.305-307
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• 2023

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.308-310
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• 2023

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.28
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• pp.267-302
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• 2017

This study aims to understand the concept of God in Daesoon thought through gods, divine beings, and divine Dao as they are featured in the I Ching. This study also explores analysis by dividing the 'one' from the I Ching into personal subject, metaphysical and fundamental marvel, innate divinity and morality of human beings as being among various concepts of god. Among the terms regarding god, divine Dao is especially clear in its depiction of this concept. In this context, the study looks closely at the characteristics of the concept of God. The divine Dao is actually an order that has been spread throughout the world by Sangje's will and the gods are endowed with His mandate. Through such order, the divine Dao leads to the Dao of divinely empowered humans by the Great Dao of mutual beneficence and natural solution. Divinely empowered humans is a concept which corresponds to the idea that 'Divine affairs are akin to those of humans.' Divine beings have human will and feelings in the afterlife, and due to their close relationship to human beings, they exercise an influence over human beings. They have human will and feelings while alive as well. In addition, they also have grievances and grudges. Such grievances and grudges can be resolved by mutual beneficence. And the divine affairs and activities move in accordance with Taegeuk (the Great Ultimate), Sangje's will, and the divine Dao. Therefore, it is a principle that divine beings should obey and an operational law in theonomy. Sangje's divine Dao and heavenly mandate accord with the Great Ultimate and are thereby revealed. Natural solutions can be reached when Divine beings and human beings gain awareness of this truth. To realize the divine Dao, humans and divine beings should practice the dao of benevolence, justice, propriety, wisdom, and they should rely on one another. Furthermore, this is done to accomplish the dao of heaven and earth.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.155-190
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• 2018

The paper has focused on the 20 Iching-hexagrams from the eleventh t'ai[ ] to the final one of the Upper Book li[離] to examine the principles of learning and education involved in Xugua zhuan[序卦傳], the Ordinal Sequence of the Hexagrams as one among Ten Wings in I Ching. Some implications involved in this part of the Book of Change provides us with numerous teachings and educational principles. I try to concisely note the three teachings of the major argument as shown in the paper. Firstly, we should take the process of learning as the circular system of thought[環 相型], not as the linear system assuming the final destination like the Final Cause in the Aristotelian teleology. In the same token, the process of learning should be regarded as 'initiation', which has been initially adopted to justify the concept of education by R. S. Peters. As a circular system, there are two kinds of initiation. The one sense is 'crossing the threshold of illiteracy' seen as 'small initiation', which apprehends the points of argument in the previous paper, namely, on hexagrams from ch'ien[乾] to t'ai[泰]. The other sense is 'getting on the inside of the worthwhile activities', seen as 'Grand Initiation', which apprehend the present points of argument. Secondly, as shown in the paper, the Book enables us to recognize the process of learning as 'Seeing What Is There'. This requires us the Principles of Mean and Perfection, which are to be taken differently from the Western ones. For this a learner should always hold the endless self-reflection and attitude to re-examine the original intention of one's own, whilst he is involved in the task of learning. Finally, we should take the Principles of Change seriously, such as extremity-reversibility[物極必反] and the sense of conformity, in order that we can establish the proper educational principles to tackle the social domains of learning as well as the personal ones.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.161-183
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• 2011

Lee Ik(李瀷) had put emphasis on the achievements by self-regulated academic learning through doubts, and at the same time that it was all-embracing. His academic attitude had set an example among the members of Seongho school(星湖學派), and his disciples had strived to emulate his style. The greatness of Seongho(星湖)'s study had been revealed by development of Seongho school(星湖學派) right after his death. He had argued that the six strokes of I-Ching should be read having it divided into inward and outward divine signs. He had stated his view clearly that the divine signs ranging from one stroke to six strokes were not connected, same as Shao yong(邵雍)'s method, but, the three strokes of inward divine sign as well as the three strokes of outward divine signs were independent from each other. Seongho(星湖) also had raised many questions about Shifa(筮法), and Bianyao(變爻) and Zhuzi(朱子)'s Shifa(筮法), or Yixueqimeng("易學啓蒙") "Kaobianzhan("考變占")". In view of the Shifa(筮法), Seongho(星湖) had helped Dasan(茶山) to present 'Shiguafa(蓍卦法)' by proposing different divination rule from Zhuzi(朱子)'s Method of Divination by Shiyi("筮儀"). Seongho(星湖) had not professed something significantly different from Zhuzi(朱子) in his I-xue. His study on I-xue had been accomplished under his goal of achievements by self-regulated academic learning through doubts. "Shiguakao("蓍卦攷")" is also same. I-xue of Seongho(星湖) had made a great contribution to form Dasan(茶山)'s I-xue in the later years.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.245-278
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• 2018

The paper has focused on examining the sense of educational process in the light of Xugua zhuan[序卦傳], the Sequence of the Hexagrams as one among Ten Wings in I Ching, particularly on the 11 Iching-hexagrams from ch'ien[乾] to t'ai[泰]. The process involved in this part of the Book of Change can be recognized as both the micro and macro levels, which can eventually leads us to construct the circular system of thought[環相型]. This gives us a possibility to consider the values of education beyond the dualism such as intrinsic and extrinsic as well as traditional and progressive ones. Particularly some crucial defects from child-centered education have been critically examined so that the concept of education can be taken seriously in the light of the teacher-side. Thus this provides us a necessity to dub 'education' as '敎育', not as '兒育' in the Oriental context. As shown in the paper, the cosmic dual forces of I Ching also enables us to dissolve some conflicts arisen in the educational welfare system and situations, and then shows us why we should respect for the teachers' stances though we have to consider the interests of children to be educated. Thus we need to re-examine the content of the Book in the link with the Western systems of educational theory.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.1-22
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• 2014

Columns 12-18 record a conversation between an aged Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong concerning the Changes and especially the role of divination in its use. The last section, from the bottom of column 24, concerns the hexagrams Sun損, "Decrease," and Yi益, "Increase," which Confucius is here made to regard as the culmination of wisdom in the Zhouyi. The conversation between Confucius and Zi Gong, and especially Zi Gong's apparent misunderstanding of Confucius's interest in the text, has already attracted considerable scholarly interest. Zi Gong criticizes Confucius for changing his teaching about the importance of the Zhouyi and for performing divinations. Confucius responds that while he does indeed perform divinations. there is a major difference between his use of the text and that of others: he regards the I Ching as a repository of an ancient wisdom. This would seem to signal recognition of a dramatic change in the function and status of the text. Zi Gong said: "Does the Master also believe in milfoil divination?" The Master said: "I am right in only seventy out of one hundred prognostications. Even with the prognostications of Liangshan of Zhou one necessarily follows it most of the time and no more." The Master said: "As for the Changes, I do indeed put its prayers and divinations last, only observing its virtue and property. Intuiting the commendations to reach the number, and understanding the number to reach virtue, is to have humaneness and to put it into motion properly. If the commendation do not lead to the number, then merely acts as a magician; if the number does not lead to virtue, then one merely acts as a scribe. The divinations of scribes and magicians tend toward it but are not yet there; delight in it but are not correct. Perhaps it will be because of the Changes that sires of later generations will doubt me. I seek its virtue and nothing more. I am on the same road as the scribes and magicians but end up differently. The conduct of the gentleman's virtue is to seek blessings; that is why he sacrifices, but little; the righteousness of his humaneness is to seek auspiciousness; that is why he divines, but rarely. Do not the divinations of priest and magicians come last!" Although Confucius says two ways of the symbolic numbers and virtue-property, he emphasizes his way of virtue and property more important. In fact he who wrote in Yao 要, "essentials," Confucius's saying describes his own viewpoints of the Changes throughout the conversations between Confucius and his disciple Zi Gong, and is only to borrow the name of Confucius. Furthermore, quoting the original text in Yao 要, "essentials," in sequence, also comparing the materials of "the Analects of Confucius論語," with "the Shih chi史記," this thesis will be centered to a great extent on the relative similarity and differences between the Mawangdui Boshu Zhouyi Manuscript and the received text, and discussed the authencity of Yao 要, "essentials," of the contents shown in the chapter of 'Confucius became aged, and liked "The Book of Changes."' the relation of Confucius and the Changes will be clarified naturally through this progress.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.238-259
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• 2021

Gameunsa Temple is a Buddhist temple from the mid-Silla period. Construction began during the reign of King Munmu and was completed during the second year of King Sinmun's reign (682). This study is based on the results of excavations at the Gameunsa Temple site, exploring the findings presented in the literature in the field of history. This study also investigates the characteristics of the construction plan of Gameunsa Temple and its correlation with the political, social, and religious environment of the time. The results of the study are as follows: (1) First, it is confirmed that all of the buildings in the central block of Gameunsa Temple, such as the pagoda and corridor, the central gate, and the auditorium, fit within 216 cheoks by 216 cheoks (Goguryeo unit of measurement, estimated dimensions 353.30 mm), in terms of the base structure. This fact is highly significant considering the intent of the King in the mid-Silla period to advocate Confucian political ideals at the Donghaegu sites (Daewangam, Igyeondae Pavilion, and Gameunsa Temple), as confirmed by the relationship between the 'Manpasikjeok legend' and the Confucianism of the etiquette and the music; the relationship between the name of the 'Igyeondae Pavilion' and the 'I Ching'; and the relationship between the 'Taegeuk stones excavated from the Gameunsa Temple site' and the 'I Ching.' Additionally, it may be presumed that the number in the "Qian 216" on the Xici shang of 'I Ching' was used as a basis for determining the size of the central block in the early stages of the design of Gameunsa Temple. The layout of the halls and pagodas of Gameunsa Temple was planned to be within a 216-cheok-by-216-cheok area, from the edge to the center, i.e., on the central axis of the temple, in the following order: the central gate and auditorium, the north-south position of Geumdang Hall, the south corridor, the east-west buildings of the auditorium and the winged corridor, the east-west corridor, and the central position of the east-west stone pagoda. (2) Second, the coexistence of Confucianism and Buddhism in the architecture of Gameunsa Temple is based on the understanding of the Golden Light Sutra, originating from the aspirations of King Munmu to obtain the immeasurable merits (陰陽調和時不越序 日月星宿不失常度 風雨隨時無諸災横) and the light of the Buddha, which is metaphorically represented by the sun and the moon illuminating the whole world of Silla, a new nation with a Confucian political ideology, for a long time by "circumambulating the Buddha (旋繞)". It is also presumed that Gyeongheung, who was appointed by King Munmu to be the Guksa in his will and appointed as the Gukro after the enthronement of King Sinmun, was deeply involved in the conception and realization of the syncretism of Confucianism and Buddhism.