• Title/Summary/Keyword: History taking

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A Study on the Condition of Location According to the Formed Time in the Clan Village (동족(同族)마을의 설촌(設村)시기에서 나타난 입지(立地) 특성에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Myung-Duk;Park, Eon-Kon
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.1 no.1 s.1
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    • pp.68-87
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    • 1992
  • This study is the conditions of location according to formed the times in the clan village. The results of this study are as follows ; 1. in the 15th century, the characterestics of the village established residencial place where mountain stream flowed surrounded by the mountain and deep in the mountains with superior quality land. That's because Sa-dae-bu put equal importance on beautiful scenery and practical benefit for living. Stream House provided economical foundation for Sa-dae-bu to be able to keep confucial manners by putting limit their economic status to small medium sized land owner. Topographical condition such as valley or hollow separated from the exterior maintained unification of consanguineous village in self sufficient farming society and held on to independent territory against external to be able to stay away from turbulent days so that they formed residential area of Sa-dae-bu clan. And the valley where flowed clean water was considered as the connection of continuous place where distinctiveness of form in each curve and and factor of calm and dynamic scenery of the clean stream. Scholars in the middle of Chosun Dynasty located in the utopia as place for confucious retirement to study, a place for refinement by combination with the nature or as a way of spacial practice based on Confucious view of nature. 2. in the 16th-l7th century, Most of existing consanguineous villages adopt deep in the mountains for refuge. at that place, upward rank was established by settlement of the ancestor who entered in the village first, the principal was placed in the center of the village and since descendants became numerous, it was serialized as the space of descendants. So, it was arranged in the order of social rank. Most of the villages showed development step by step started from precaution by apperance of the mountain to the lower part. It's because the topography of valley around the village worked as the natural hedge against external force and genealogy of the clan, regularity of social status, order of entrance into the village were reflected into residencial destribution. Also, order of the rank coincided with the one of aspects on geomancy. Genealogical rank within the village represented spacial rank. Houses of descendants and branch families were placed lower than the principal which showed worship to the principal. 3. In 18th century after, as the village was settled nearby cultivated land considering economical loss caused by long distance between residencial area and cultivated land, direction of sect followed by development of village expanded from the front part of the village to the rear part. The principal that was poped out to the front presented frontage over exterior. Therefore, residencial area of branch families expanded to the rear starting from the principal. This represented a slice of social structure at that time. after 18th century, spirit was percieved superior over material, After then, development of cultivation and expantion of land created difference of economic strength within one village. In order to maintain and show off the status of Yang-ban, economic power of indigenous land owner became fundamental, so, sense to worship and to keep the principal became weak eventually. Taking advantage of that situation, residencial area of branch family expanded to the rear part of the principal which showed dual disposition conflicted with each other. However, these clan rules were destroyed and new rules were created after 18th century because of the situation and consciousness at that time.

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Clinical investigation of lipoid pneumonia in adults (성인에서 발생한 지방성 폐렴의 임상적 고찰)

  • Hyun, Jae Geun;Rhee, Chong H.
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.43 no.6
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    • pp.965-975
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    • 1996
  • Background : Exogenous lipoid pneumonia is caused by inhalation or aspiration of animal, vegetable or mineral oil. Most cases are ascribed to aspiration of oil in laxatives or nose drops Petroleum, another pure hydrocarbon used as a base in various medications, is occasionally involved. Especially animal oil produces severe tissue inflammatory reaction, but most patients present with only abnormal chest X-ray and no specific clinical symptoms or signs. Method: Seven patients, 3 males and 4 females, with exogenous lipoid pneumonia, who was hospitalized or referred to pulmonary division at Samsung Medical Center from December 1994 10 July 1996, were included. They hadn a history of laking shark liver oil(so-called "squalene") for varying period of time. We reviewed clinical, radioloic and pathologic findings. Result: Patients look 7 to 30 capsules of "squalene" a day for at least one month to 5 years. Six cases had chronic disease such as diabetes, hypertension, or cerebrovascular accident. Respiratory symptoms of mild fever, cough and sputum were present in 3 cases and in 3 cases there was no clinical symptoms and signs but abnormal findings by chest X - ray. The major radiologic findings by simple chest X - ray and computed tomography consisted of consolidation, infiltration involving mainly right middle and both lower lobes, and ground-glass opacity. Five of six bronchoscopic examinations demonstrated both lipid droplets floating on the surface of bronchoalveolar lavage fluid and Lipid-laden macrophages in bronchoalveolar lavage fluid or lung tissue. Follow-up chest X -ray showed improvement in 4 cases but no marked interval change in 3 cases after removal of exposure to "squalene". Conclusion: Shark liver oil can induce lipoid pneumonia in adults. In case of high clinical suspicion, confirmation of "squalene" use by careful history taking is required and bronchoscopy is helpful in diagnosis.

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A study on the Change of Perspectives on the Past in Heritage Conservation - Focusing on the 19th Century Restoration of Religious Buildings in England - (문화재 보존에 나타난 과거인식에 대한 고찰 - 19세기 영국의 교회 건축복원의 사상적 배경과 보존사례를 중심으로 -)

  • Lee, Su-jeong
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.3
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    • pp.188-207
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    • 2014
  • Taking the concept of 'Invention of Tradition' by Hobsbawm, this paper examines the change of perspectives on the past and the attitudes toward connecting the past and the contemporary in the 19th century restoration of religious buildings in England. The Anglican society in the early 19th century argued that the catholic theology and rituals should be revived in their practice, which has formed the Oxford Movement. Such aspiration has stimulated to the society to execute its religious practice in a proper space, which has resulted in the Cambridge Camden Society in the middle of the century. Their publications on church buildings and arrangement had much affected to the restoration of many churches to rip off the previous Georgian furnitures and features of the fabric into Gothic, the style of middle age. The perspective on the past for anti-restoration movement in the late 19th century has moved into the one to respect all historical layers of previous spirit imprinted in the church buildings. Inspired by Ruskin and formulated by Morris, SPAB's Manifesto has reflected that the spirit of the first builder can not be reproduced or copied by the contemporaries, and therefore a daily maintenance is the best practice to extend the life of spirit rather than restoration. In addition the material remains is no longer belong to the religious entity but should be regarded as national heritage. By examining the change of perspectives on the past between the early and middle of 19th century and the late 19th century, this paper has argued that the various factors such as social, economic, political, art and commercial factors should be examined together in the understanding of conservation history.

Simplified Method for Estimation of Mean Residual Life of Rubble-mound Breakwaters (경사제의 평균 잔류수명 추정을 위한 간편법)

  • Lee, Cheol-Eung
    • Journal of Korean Society of Coastal and Ocean Engineers
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    • v.34 no.2
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    • pp.37-45
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    • 2022
  • A simplified model using the lifetime distribution has been presented to estimate the Mean Residual Life (MRL) of rubble-mound breakwaters, which is not like a stochastic process model based on time-dependent history data to the cumulative damage progress of rubble-mound breakwaters. The parameters involved in the lifetime distribution can be easily estimated by using the upper and lower limits of lifetime and their likelihood that made a judgement by several experts taking account of the initial design lifetime, the past sequences of loads, and others. The simplified model presented in this paper has been applied to the rubble-mound breakwater with TTP armor layer. Wiener Process (WP)-based stochastic model also has been applied together with Monte-Carlo Simulation (MCS) technique to the breakwater of the same condition having time-dependent cumulative damage to TTP armor layer. From the comparison of lifetime distribution obtained from each models including Mean Time To Failure (MTTF), it has found that the lifetime distributions of rubble-mound breakwater can be very satisfactorily fitted by log-normal distribution for all types of cumulative damage progresses, such as exponential, linear, and logarithmic deterioration which are feasible in the real situations. Finally, the MRL of rubble-mound breakwaters estimated by the simplified model presented in this paper have been compared with those by WP stochastic process. It can be shown that results of the presented simplified model have been identical with those of WP stochastic process until any ages in the range of MTT F regardless of the deterioration types. However, a little of differences have been seen at the ages in the neighborhood of MTTF, specially, for the linear and logarithmic deterioration of cumulative damages. For the accurate estimation of MRL of harbor structures, it may be desirable that the stochastic processes should be used to consider properly time-dependent uncertainties of damage deterioration. Nevertheless, the simplified model presented in this paper can be useful in the building of the MRL-based preventive maintenance planning for several kinds of harbor structures, because of which is not needed time-dependent history data about the damage deterioration of structures as mentioned above.

The History of the Josadang and Its Meaning as Seen Through the Murals of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa, Yeoungju (부석사 조사당 신장 벽화를 통해 본 조사당 건립의 배경과 의미)

  • SHIM Yeoung Shin
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.64-78
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    • 2023
  • This article examines the background and meaning of the construction of Josadang Hall in Buseoksa Temple, Yeongju, by Seolsan Cheonhee(1307~1382) in the late 14th century through the characteristics of the hall's mural. Six guardian deities(the Four Heavenly Kings in the center, Indra and Brahma on each side of the kings) are depicted on the southern wall(location of the entrance) of the Josadang, facing the statue of the great monk Uisang(625~702 AD) on the north wall. This mural is the oldest among Korean temple murals and exhibits very unique characteristics. In general, scenes from the scriptures are depicted on the back wall of the central statue. In contrast, the Josadang mural depicts only the guardian deities facing the main statue with no scene description. The appearance of the deities, who seem to protect the main statue of the monk Uisang, and their expressions, as if drawn from relief statues, are not seen in other murals. Nevertheless, it is similar to the stupas of the Seon(Ch. Chan 禪) sect monks established from the late Silla(57 BC~935 AD) through early Goryeo(918~1392 AD), with guardian deities on their surface. The iconography of the deities is a classic form of the late Silla to early Goryeo. The fact that the Josadang was built to commemorate Uisang, who founded the Korean Hwaeom sect(Ch. Huayan sect, 華嚴宗), and that guardians were placed to protect Uisang's statue reveals the concept of worship for the monk who founded the sect. As a result, the reason Cheonhee built the hall can also be understood as an extension of the ideology behind the construction of the stupas of the Seon sect monks. The problem, however, is that Cheonhee is a monk of the Hwaeom sect, and Buseoksa is a representative temple of the Hwaeom sect, not the Seon sect. Therefore, to better understand the background of the hall's construction, this article examined the situation of Goryeo Buddhism in the 14th century as well as the activities of Seolsan Cheonhee. Since Ganhwa Seon(Ch. Kanhua Chan, 看話禪) was dominant in the 14th century, Cheonhee went to study in the Yuan Dynasty(1271~1368 AD) at the age of 58 and was approved by Chinese Ganhwaseon monks before taking the position of Guksa(國師 national monk). However, he was eventually pushed to Buseoksa Temple, where he worked hard to rebuild it. Cheonhee most likely sought to expand the Hwaeom sect, which had been shrinking compared to the Seon sect, by enhancing power with the reconstruction of Buseoksa. The desire that the Hwaeom sect, which was losing its power due to the rise of the Seon sect in the 14th century, attempted to develop it by building Josadang hall, is well revealed by the Josadang murals.

An Exploratory Study on Marketing of Financial Services Companies in Korea (한국 금융회사 마케팅 현황에 대한 탐색 연구)

  • Chun, Sung Yong
    • Asia Marketing Journal
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    • v.12 no.2
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    • pp.111-133
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    • 2010
  • Marketing financial services used to be easier. Today, the competition in financial services is fierce. Not only has the competition become more intense, financial services have also changed structurally. In an environment with various customer needs and severe competitions, the marketing in financial services industry is getting more difficult and more important than before. However, there are still not enough studies on financial services marketing in Korea whereas lots of research papers have been published frequently in some international journals. The purpose of this paper is (1)to review the literature on financial services marketing, (2)to investigate current marketing activities based on in-depth interview with financial marketing managers in Korea, and (3)to suggest some implications for future research on the financial services marketing. Financial products are not consumer products. In fact, they are not products at all in the way product marketing is usually described. Nor are they altogether like services. The financial industry operates in a unique way, and its marketing tasks are correspondingly complex. However, the literature review shows that there has been a lack of basic studies which dealt with inherent characteristics of financial services marketing compared to the research on marketing in other industries. Many studies in domestic marketing journals have so far focused only on the general customer behaviors and the special issues in some financial industries. However, for more effective financial services marketing, we have to answer following questions. Is there any difference between financial service marketing and consumer packaged goods marketing? What are the differences between the financial services marketing and other services marketing such as education and health services? Are there different ways of marketing among banks, securities firms, insurance firms, and credit card companies? In other words, we need more detailed research as well as basic studies about the financial services marketing. For example, we need concrete definitions of financial services marketing, bank marketing, securities firm marketing, and etc. It is also required to compare the characteristics of each marketing within the financial services industry. The products sold in each market have different characteristics such as duration and degree of risk-taking. It means that there are sub-categories in financial services marketing. We have to consider them in the future research on the financial services marketing. It is also necessary to study customer decision making process in the financial markets. There have been little research on how customers search and process information, compare alternatives, make final decision, and repeat their choices. Because financial services have some unique characteristics, we need different understandings in the customer behaviors compared to the behaviors in other service markets. And also considering the rapid growth in financial markets and upcoming severe competition between domestic and global financial companies, it is time to start more systematic and detailed research on financial services marketing in Korea. In the second part of this paper, I analyzed the results of in-depth interview with 20 marketing managers of financial services companies in Korea. As a result, I found that the role of marketing departments in Korean financial companies are mainly focused on the short-term activities such as sales support, promotion, and CRM data analysis although the size and history of marketing departments to some extent show a sign of maturity. Most companies established official marketing departments before 2001. Average number of employees in a marketing department is about 58. However, marketing managers in eight companies(40% of the sample) still think that the purpose of marketing is only to support and manage general sales activities. It shows that some companies have sales-oriented concept rather than marketing-oriented concept. I also found three key words which marketing managers think importantly in financial services markets. They are (1)Trust in customer relationship, (2)Brand differentiation, and (3)Rapid response to customer needs. 50% of the sample support that "Trust" is the most important key word in the financial services marketing. It is interesting that 80% of banks and securities companies think that "Trust" is the most important thing, whereas managers in credit card companies consider "Rapid response to customer needs" as the most important key word in their market. In addition, there are different problems recognition of marketing managers depending on the types of financial industries they belong to. For example, in the case of banks and insurance companies, marketing managers consider "a lack of communication with other departments" as the most serious problem. On the other hand, in the case of securities firms, "a lack of utilization of customer data" is the most serious problem. These results imply that there are different important factors for the customer satisfaction depending on the types of financial industries, and managers have to consider them when marketing financial products in more effective ways. For example, It will be necessary for marketing managers to study different important factors which affect customer satisfaction, repeat purchase, degree of risk-taking, and possibility of cross-selling according to the types of financial industries. I also suggested six hypothetical propositions for the future research.

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A Study on the ' Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) of the Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본(日本) 의학(醫學)의 '절충파(折衷派)'에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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    • v.10
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    • pp.41-61
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    • 2008
  • The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai(古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period. However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up'(兼收並蓄) was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai'. Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷). Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡). Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows. First Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方)' and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan(導水瑣言)", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je(蕉窗方意解)" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)". Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong Jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言)". Third, Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang Jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei Jing(皇帝內經)" and "Nan Jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong Zong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshimasu Todo and got experience through Ouan Yue(川越) and Fu Jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) fmm famous teachers. Showhaku(倧伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and receives help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue Gu(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao(喜多村栲窻) and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衡心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵土), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) Jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正天皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the qualjty and quantity of his clinical skills. Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窻書影)", "Wu Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "Jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窻書影) he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking, In the first volume of "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)" and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

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Study about the clinical features and Pulmonary function Tst of Endobronchial Tuberculosis (기관지결핵의 임상상 및 폐기능검사에 관한 연구)

  • Chung, Hee-Soon;Lee, Jae-Ho
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.43 no.2
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    • pp.147-158
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    • 1996
  • Background : Endobronchial tuberculosis(ET) is known to affect frequently young female and serious complication like bronchial stenosis would occur if early diagnosis and treatment for ET is not performed immediately. But ET shows normal chest roentgenogram in about 10% of patients, and is often confused with bronchial asthma because ET presents clinical features like cough, dyspnea, wheezing in history and physical examination. The pulmonary function test(PFT) feature of ET is not well known, but when we consider the fact that ET is pathophysiologically different from bronchial asthma, if there is any feature of PFT in ET, and we know it, PFT will be very helpful for diagnosis and follow up of ET. Methods : We performed both PFT and bronchoscopy in 68 ET patients who visited Boramae hospital, and were confirmed as ET by bronchoscopic biopsy and were followed prospectively from November 1991 to March 1995. After history taking and physical examination, we performed chest roentgenogram, complete blood count, sputum AFB stain and culture, and also performed PFT before anti-tuberculosis chemotherapy. PFT was classified as restrictive, if only PVC was reduced below 80%, and obstructive, if only FEV1 was reduced below 75%. In the case of both FVC and FEV1 were reduced, PFT was classified as restrictive if FEY1/FVC was greater than 75%, and mixed if FEV1/FVC was reduced below 75%. We repeated the PFT and bronchoscopy for 68 ET patients who were proven by biopsy in the first month and sixth month after starting anti-tuberculosis chemotherapy, and studied the feature and change of PFT of the ET and the relation between PFT and the bronchoscopic finding, and obtained following results. Results: 1) Number of male patients was 12, and that of female patient was 56, and mean age was $35.4{\pm}17yr$.(17-74yr). Clinical symptom was in the order of cough(86.8%), dyspnea(63.2%), fever(17.6%) and hemoptysis (10.3%), and the wheezing and stridor were audible among the 40 patients(58.4%) in the physical examination. 2) Hemoglobin level was below 12g/dl among 25 patients (36.8%), and WBC level was above $10,000/mm^3$ among 9 patients(13.2%) and ESR was above 20 among 46 patients (67.6%) and AFB stain and culture were positive among 50 patients(73.5%). 3) The dominant roentgenographic finding of ET was fibronodular feature in 35 patients(51.5%), pneumonic feature in 14 patients (20.6%), collapse in 11 patients(16.2%), mass-like lesion in 3 patients(4.4%), cavitary lesion in 2 patients(2.9%), and normal in 3 patients(4.4%). 4) PFT feature at the time of diagnosis of ET was normal in 16 patients(23.5%), restrictive pattern in 32 patients (47%), obstructive in 4 patients(5.8%), and mixed in 14 patients(23.5%). So restrictive pattern was the dominate feature of ET. 5) The PFT feature was little correlated with the gross finding of bronchoscopy, but the change of PFT during treatment of ET showed relatively good correlation with the change of bronchoscopic finding. 6) FVC(2.30L vs. 2.61L) and FEV1(1.74L vs. 2.06L) increased significantly (p < 0.01), but FEV1/FVC(82% vs. 83%) and PEF(3.45L/sec vs. 3.95L/sec) did not change significantly after 1 month of treatment (p > 0.01), and there was no significant change among all parameters during first and sixth month of treatment(p > 0.01). Conclusion : PFT may be useful in the diagnosis and treatment follow up of ET but further study would be needed to confirm it.

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A Study on the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) of the Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본(日本) 의학醫學의 '절충파(折衷派)'에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.20 no.3
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    • pp.121-141
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    • 2007
  • The outline and characteristics of the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai'(折衷派) are as follows. Part 1. In the late Edo(江戶) period The 'Zhe Zhong Pai', which tried to take the theory and clinical treatment of the 'Hou Shi Pai (後世派)' and the 'Gu Fang Pai (古方派)' and get their strong points to make treatments perfect, appeared. Their point was 'The main part is the art of the ancients, The latter prescriptions are to be used'(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用) and the "Shang Han Lun(傷寒論)" was revered for its treatments but in actual use it was not kept at that. As mentioned above The 'Zhe Zhong Pai ' viewed treatments as the base, which was the view of most doctors in the Edo period, However, the reason the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is not valued as much as the 'Gu Fang Pai' by medical history books in Japan is because the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' does not have the substantiation or uniqueness of the 'Gu Fang Pai', and also because the view of 'gather as well as store up' was the same as the 'Kao Zheng Pai', Moreover, the 'compromise'(折衷) point of view was from taking in both Chinese and western medical knowledge systems(漢蘭折衷), Generally the pioneer of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' is seen as Mochizuki Rokumon(望月鹿門) and after that was Fukui Futei(福井楓亭), Wadato Kaku(和田東郭), Yamada Seichin(山田正珍) and Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), Part 2. The lives of Wada Tokaku(和田東郭), Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪), Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲), the important doctors of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', are as follows First. Wada Tokaku(和田東郭, 1743-1803) was born when the 'Hou Shi Pai' was already declining and the 'Gu Fang Pai' was flourishing and learned medicine from a 'Hou Shi Pai' doctor, Hu Tian Xu Shan(戶田旭山) and a 'Gu Fang Pai' doctor, Yoshimasu Todo(吉益東洞). He was not hindered by 'the old ways(古方), and did not lean towards 'the new ways(後世方)' and formed a way of compromise that 'looked at hardness and softness as the same'(剛柔相摩) by setting 'the cure of the disease' as the base, and said that to cure diseases 'the old way' must be used, but 'the new way' was necessary to supplement its shortcomings. His works include "Dao Shui Suo Yan", "Jiao Chiang Fang Yi Je" and "Yi Xue Sho(醫學說)" Second. Nakagame Kinkei(中神琴溪, 1744-1833) was famous for leaving Yoshirnasu Todo(吉益東洞) and changing to the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and in his early years used qing fen(輕粉) to cure geisha(妓女) of syphilis. His argument was "the "Shang Han Lun" must be revered but needs to be adapted", "Zhong jing can be made into a follower but I cannot become his follower", "the later medical texts such as "Ru Men Shi Qin(儒門事親)" should only be used for its prescriptions and not its theories". His works include "Shang Han Lun Yue Yan(傷寒論約言) Third. Nei Teng Xi Zhe(內藤希哲, 1701-1735) learned medicine from Qing Shui Xian Sheng(淸水先生) and went out to Edo. In his book "Yi Jing Jie Huo Lun(醫經解惑論)" he tells of how he went from 'learning'(學) to 'skepticism'(惑) and how skepticism made him learn in 'the six skepticisms'(六惑). In the latter years Xi Zhe(希哲) combines the "Shen Nong Ben Cao jing(神農本草經)", the main text for herbal medicine, "Ming Tang jing(明堂經)" of accupuncture, basic theory texts "Huang Dui Nei jing(黃帝內徑)" and "Nan jing(難經)" with the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun", a book that the 'Gu Fang Pai' saw as opposing to the rest, and became 'an expert of five scriptures'(五經一貫). Part 3. Asada Showhaku(淺田宗伯, 1815-1894) started medicine at Zhong Cun Zhong(中村中倧) and learned 'the old way'(古方) from Yoshirnasu Todo and got experience through Chuan Yue(川越) and Fu jing(福井) and received teachings in texts, history and Wang Yangmin's principles(陽明學) from famous teachers. Showhaku(宗伯) meets a medical official of the makufu(幕府), Ben Kang Zong Yuan(本康宗圓), and recieves help from the 3 great doctors of the Edo period, Taki Motokato(多紀元堅), Xiao Dao Xue GU(小島學古) and Xi Duo Cun Kao Chuang and further develops his arts. At 47 he diagnoses the general Jia Mao(家茂) with 'heart failure from beriberi'(脚氣衝心) and becomes a Zheng Shi(徵I), at 51 he cures a minister from France and received a present from Napoleon, at 65 he becomes the court physician and saves Ming Gong(明宮) jia Ren Qn Wang(嘉仁親王, later the 大正犬皇) from bodily convulsions and becomes 'the vassal of merit who saved the national polity(國體)' At the 7th year of the Meiji(明治) he becomes the 2nd owner of Wen Zhi She(溫知社) and takes part in the 'kampo continuation movement'. In his latter years he saw 14000 patients a year, so we can estimate the quality and quantity of his clinical skills Showhaku(宗伯) wrote over 80 books including the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)", "WU Wu Yao Shi Fang Han(勿誤藥室方函)", "Shang Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術)", "jing Qi Shen Lun(精氣神論)", "Hunag Guo Ming Yi Chuan(皇國名醫傳)" and the "Xian Jhe Yi Hua(先哲醫話)". Especially in the "Ju Chuang Shu Ying(橘窓書影)" he says "the old theories are the main, and the new prescriptions are to be used"(以古法爲主, 後世方爲用), stating the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' way of thinking. In the first volume of "Shung Han Biang Shu(傷寒辨術) and "Za Bing Lun Shi(雜病論識)", 'Zong Ping'(總評), He discerns the parts that are not Zhang Zhong Jing's writings and emphasizes his theories and practical uses.

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An Essay in a Research on Gwonwu Hong Chan-yu's Poetic Literature - Focussing on Classical Chinese Poems in Gwonwujip (권우(卷宇) 홍찬유(洪贊裕) 시문학(詩文學) 연구(硏究) 시론(試論) - 『권우집(卷宇集)』 소재(所載) 한시(漢詩)를 중심(中心)으로 -)

  • Yoon, Jaehwan
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.50
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    • pp.55-88
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    • 2013
  • Gwonwu Hong Chan-yu is one of the modern and contemporary Korean scholars of Sino-Korean literature and one of the literati of his era, so is respected as a guiding light by academic descendants. Gwonwu was a teacher of his era, who experienced all the turbulence of Korean society, such as the Japanese occupation by force, the Korean War, the military dictatorship, and the struggle for democracy, and who educated and led young scholars of his time. However, academia has not payed attention to his life and achievements since his death. This paper is to examine the poetry of Gwonwu Hong Chan-yu, one of the representative modern and contemporary scholar of Sini-Korean literature, which has not yet been discussed by academia. The minimal meaning of this paper is that it is a first work based on his anthology, which has not been discussed by academia, and a first full-scale study on Gwonwu Hongchan-yu. For the reason, this paper aims at the detailed inspection of his poetic pieces recorded in his anthology. Nonetheless, despite such intentions, some limits cannot be avoided here and there in this paper for the insufficient knowledge and academic capability of this paper's writer and for the lack of academic sources. Gwonwu's poetry examined through his anthology shows the characteristic which is that his poems focus on exposing his own internal emotions. Such a characteristic says that his idea of poetic literature payed attention more to individuality, that is exposition of private emotions, than to social utility of poems. Gwonwu's such an idea of poetic literature can be generally affirmed throughout his poetry. Accordingly, Gwonwu preferred classical Chinese poems to archaistic poems, and single poems to serial poems; and avoided writing poems within social relations such as farewell-poems, bestowal-poems, and mourning-poems. When the characteristics of Gwonwu's poetic literature get summarized as such, however, some questions remain. The preferential question is whether the poems in his anthology are the whole poetry of him. Although Gwonwu's poetic pieces that the writer of this paper have checked out till now are all in his anthology, it is very much questionable whether Gwonwu's poetry can be summed up only with these poems. The next question is what is the writing method for taking joy(spice), sentiment, and full-heart into his poems if Gwonwu's poems focus on exposing his internal emotions, and if poems exposing joy and poems exposing sentiment and full-heart appear coherently in various different spaces and circumstances of writing. The final question is what are the meanings of Gwonwu's poems if his poetry checked out through his anthology directly shows either the reality carried in his poems or the reality of a time in his life. The questions listed above are thought to be resolved by the synchronizing process of stereoscopic searches both for Gwonwu as an individual and for the era of his life. Especially, spurring deeper researches toward a new direction regarding Gwonwu's poetry has an important meaning for construction of a complete modern and contemporary history of Sino-Korean literature and for procurement of continuous research on Sino-Korean literature and its history. For the reason, it is thought that more efforts of researchers are required.