• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.44-63
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• 2019

This study empirically investigated the construction and aspects of change in Chugyeongwon, which is located in Donggweol (東闕). In detail, this study investigated the location of the construction and range of Chugyeongwon, the background and intention of the construction, and the affiliated system and aspects of spatial changes of it. The research results can be summarized as follows: First, Chugyeongwon has been assumed to be the space near Haminjeong (涵仁亭) or between Simindang (時敏堂) and Jinsudang (進修堂) in Changgyeonggung Palace. However, according to related historical materials, it is said that Chugyeongwon was located west of Dochongbu (都摠府) in Hyeopsangmun (協祥門) and near Sungmundang (崇文堂). Through Donggweoldohyeong (東闕圖形), evidence of the construction of Chugyeongwon can be found, which verifies such claims. According to The Plan of Changgyeonggung Palace (昌慶宮配置圖), in the form of modern measured drawing, Chugyeongwon today is the green space created in the south of Munjeongjeon (文政殿) and Sungmundang in Changgyeonggung Palace. Second, According to Donggweoldo (東闕圖), Chugyeongwon was a green space where trees grew on the ground within the walls. No artificial facilities were constructed inside. In addition, Chugyeongwon was located at a site with an altitude higher than the surroundings. Especially, the composition forms and location characteristics of Chugyeongwon are similar to those of the Palace Outer Garden located in Hanyang. Thus, based on this evidence about the form and other aspects of the operation of the Palace Outer Garden, it can be inferred that Chugyeongwon was constructed for the preservation and cultivation of the geographical features inside Donggweol. Third, in the late Joseon period, Chugyeongwon was assigned to Changdeokgung Palace or Changgyeonggung Palace in the same manner as was Donggung (東宮). Thus, it is very likely that Chugyeongwon served as a garden for the Royal Family in the Donggung area. The west boundary of Chugyeongwon, which originally consisted of walls and a side gate, was changed into the form in which the walls and colonnades were combined. Chugyeongwon has been modified due to various acts of development since the Japanese colonial era, and in the end, it has disappeared so that no trace can be found.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.20
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• pp.77-114
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• 2009

The actual conditions of the labor unions are primitive. First, there is no good records management regulation. At this research, I found it that most regulations of the labor unions were all the same. I think they have been copied a kind of one of originality. Second, the definition of records were very narrow, like documentary evidence. Third, the classification, filing, disposal regulations are the below level of the public institution in 1970s. Fourth, there are no standards of the records scheduling for the labor records. What kind of labor records have the historical values? I could not find, only the documentary evidence value. So, I think The actual conditions of the labor unions are primitive. I investigated the collections of the Southern Labor Archives in USA. There were many kind of records. For example, the records of regional labor unions also central labor unions, pamphlets, journals, photos, personal records, oral history, organizational records like protocols article of associations internal rules, minute books etc. Like this the collections of the Southern Labor Archives in USA are very various. But our actual conditions of the labor unions is far from that. Rather, we just have tried collected records for publishing the white papers. But this habitual practice would not be desirable. Because they must manage the records from the producing time. Mostly, 'laborer history HANNAE' were organised, and they are trying the collecting and management of the labor records. Also They are trying the computerizing, compilation. 'HANNAE' has the condition for the transformation of the labor archives. But if they want to be really, they must make the records management infra and so, should normalize the record management firstly. For example, They must be keep the standardized records management regulations, records scheduling redesigned. the developing standard model for the records management. And they have the vision for the hub of the labor archives. When coming to this, it will be realized the labor archives Now the records for the working class are disappearing. The managing the records for the labor is another labor movement. All together should join it. But I think the supporting of the archival science research colleagues will be the essential part.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.70-99
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• 2021

Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' stone monument, designated as the Jeollanam-do Cultural Heritage, is considered to be the oldest of the epigraphs in Jeollanam-do. Immediately after the discovery, the possibility of it being a Maehyangbi of Memorial Inscriptions was mentioned and attracted attention. However, there is an absolute age of the 'Jeongwon (貞元) of 2 years' (786), so despite it is a relatively early epigraph (金石文), there are not many papers on the theme related to this stone monument. I believe that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). While reviewing and comparing the results of the existing research, I decoded the text from the 42nd character of the 4th line. As a result of the review, that was conducted, it was confirmed that this stone monument is truly a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). In particular, it was recorded in the literature of the late Joseon Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) that the letters of the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) are not recognizable. However, it is clearly stated that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Although there is no common expression for 'bury (埋)' or 'incense burial (埋香)' in the traditional Maehyangbi (埋香碑), which were popular in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Periods, it can be seen that it is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) from the words "hide (呑藏)" and "10 bundles of fragrant incense (合香十束)" that are engraved on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon.' In other words, it is thought that it meant 'hide (呑藏)' instead of 'bury (埋)'. Circumstantial evidence for the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), built in 888, contains the an epigraph from the Unified Silla Era. There is a phrase on it that says 'Plant incense on the shore (海岸植香)' on the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), and it conveys its meaning without using the character 'bury (埋)'. As a result of the absence of the character 'bury (埋)' on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon', it is not considered as a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). However, there is evidence that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is in fact a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) and it is also in the Geumpyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone) around Gukjangsaeng (國長生) and at the entrance of Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺). The letters written on the gold sign suggest the possibility that the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) at the royal tombs of King Jeongjo (正祖) was produced around at Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺) in Wolchulsan (月出山). Since the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) is naturally related to incense (香), it has been shown that the area around Wolchulsan, where Dogapsa Temple is located, has a long history related to incense (香). The letters visible on the stone monument, the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the letters on the Geompyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone), all show that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Considering the fact that the earliest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in existence is the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in Yeongam (靈巖) Ippam-ri (笠巖里), which has two dates from 1371 at the end of Goryeo and 1410 at the beginning of Joseon, the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon' which was set up in 786, would be the oldest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) that we know of. In addition, there is a historical significance in that the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) is proven in the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記), a document from the late Joseon period.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.22-31
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to illuminate historical sensitivity and design in the days of the Joseon era and examines the phenomenon of acculturation as revealed in the planting of Sophora japonica and Zelkova serrata in the garden grove by looking into the purpose underlying the construction, formative intention and the process of change in Pohang's Chirinjeong wonlim. Chirinjeong, also called Sanggaejeong(雙槐亭) after the fact that two Zelkova serrata trees were planted there, is a hermit pavilion in Sa-il village, Chogok-ri, built in the 9th year of King Taejong(1409) by Jang, Pyo(張彪, 1349~?) of an officer of bureaucratic origin toward the end of the Goryeo Dynasty, the Chirinjeong garden grove is an element essential to Chogok, the 3rd Gok of Sanggaegoogok(雙溪九曲). The wonlim of Chirinjeong is divided into the pavilion section composed of the entrance area, Chirinjeong, composed of Zelkova serrata and Sophora japonica, and the pond section composed of a quadrangular pond and island(方池方島), and Lagerstroemia indica. In view of the intent of the name Chirinjeong or of the fact that the pavilion was named based on that the royal seal string was hung on the Sanggwaesoo(雙槐樹) or two Zelkova serrata trees, it is reasonable to view it as Zelkova serrata trees having been planted early in the days of the Joseon Dynasty and those additionally planted later on that symbolizes the position of the three nobles and the Sophora japonica. In addition, in spite of the fact that the type of trees supplementarily planted in the 21st year of King Yeongjo(1745) is known as Sophora japonica, it is impossible to rule out the possibility of the tree planted outside of Chirinjeong being Zelkova serrata. In short, the three Zelkova serrata trees planted along with Sophora japonica must certainly be evidence that Zelkova serrata planted along with Sophora japonica in Chirinjeong wonlim indicates that the off spring of the Indong Jang family could tell the difference between Sophora japonica and Zelkova serrata. In the recognition process of Zelkova serrata trees finding their way into Korea, it was known as Zelkova serrata on the one hand and as Sophora japonica on the other, and the former, which enjoys a comparative advantage over in terms of the easiness with which to purchase, growth speed and possibility of growing into a long-lived tree was interchanged with Zelkova serrata, a case of acculturation as manifested in the planting of Sophora japonica in the Chirinjeong garden grove.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.4
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• pp.101-126
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• 1990

At early Cheong (淸) dynasty, in medical aspect by dependent on practical studying attitude that must found a theory only by an evidence, there had been a tendancy that hoped direct research of sages' mind-eye by escaping the theory of individual classes since Geum-Won (金-元) dynasty. Yoo Chang (喩昌), born in Man-Ryeok (萬曆) 12th year of Myung (明) dynasty (A.D.1583) and dead in Gang-Hee (康熙) 3rd year of Cheong (淸) dynasty (A.D.1664). The results were as follows after studying his practical idea of medicine. 1. Yoo Chang, by recognizing the ${\ll}$Sang-Han-Ro${\gg}$ has lost its true meaning after commented by Wang Hee (王熙), Lim Eog (林億), Seong Moo-I (成無巳), etc. according to Bang Yoo-Jip's (方有執) Chak-Gan-Jung-Jeong (錯簡重訂) theory, he diversified the protocal of ${\ll}$Sang-Han-Ro${\gg}$ 397 method and arranged under Six Meridian part. (六經) 2. The theory of Sam-Gang-Jeong-Rip (三綱鼎立) can be summerized Gye-Ji (桂枝) syndrome which is the case of Wind (風) has injured Wi (衛) stage, Ma-hwang (麻黃) syndrome which is the case of Cold (寒) has injured Yeong (榮) stage, Dae-Cheong-Ryong (大靑龍) syndrome which is the case both of Wind-Cold (風寒) has injured Yeong-Wi (榮衛) stage, and there has been Sam-Gang-Jeong-Rip theory by anterior medical practitioners already but the person who formally used its Sam-Gang-Jeong-Rip term is Yoo Chang. 3. Yoo Chang seized the On Byeng (溫病) by dividing three category and in Byon-Jeung-Si-Chi (辨證施治) he influenced to many aspect of establishment of later Byon-Jeung system On-Byong (溫病의 辨證體系) pertaining to Triple-Warmer by O-Dang (吳瑭) introducing Triple-Wanner Theory. (三焦理論) 4. At Chu-Jo-Ron (秋燥論) of ${\ll}$EUi-Moon-Beop-Ryo${\gg}$, while ${\ll}$Nae-Gyeong${\gg}$ describing if humidity injury Lung, then occur a disorder in it, Yoo Chang recognized that of au tuam when dryness injure Lung there occure a disorder is it so he insisted that at this case, must use Cheong-Joe-Goo-Pye method (淸操救肺法) withherbs, pertaing to Gam-Yoo-Ja-Yoon(甘柔滋潤性) property and he invented Cheong-Joe-Goo-Pye-Tang. (淸操救肺湯) 5. Yoo Chang', so called, Dae-Gi (大氣) indicates Yang-Gi (陽氣) of chest, he insisted that man's creation and every physiological activity depends on maintainence of Dae-Gi, and it integrate Yeong-Gi (榮氣), Wea-Gi (衛氣), Jong-Gi (宗氣), Jang-Boo-Ji-Gi (臟腑之氣), Gyeong-Rak-Ji-Gi. (經絡之氣) 6. Yoo Chang's expression about partical function and character of stomach, not only bolster its theory of historical physician's expression, that is stomach is. foundatness of postnatal period, but also it has corresponding aspect with modern medicine and clinic. 7. Yoo Chang emphasized "if one cure a disease, be must understood the character of disease first and use drugs later" (先議病 後用藥) phrase about of drug usage, and his theory of Geup-Rew-Man-Joo method (急流挽舟) and three therapy of Simple Ascite (單腹腸) are all unique opinion based upon this phrase mentioned above. 8. Yoo Chang's practical idea of medicine greatly influenced to Jang Ro (張璐), Hwang Won-A (黃元御), Oh Eui-Rak (吳儀洛), Joo Yang-Joon (周揚俊), etc. and theory of Sam-Gang-Jeng-Rip (三綱鼎立), Triple Warmer Theory of On Byong (溫疫의 三焦論治), Chu-Jo-Ron (秋燥論), Dae-Gi-Ron (大氣論) etc. became important object to student of Sang-Han (傷寒) and On-Byeng. (溫病) 9. Yoo Chang's Writings has more practical meaning than other physician's, especially, later the idea of Sang-Han (傷寒) and On-Byong (溫病) greatly contributed to development of Sang-Han theory and formation of On-Byong theory.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.2
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• pp.15-25
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• 2017

The objective of this study is to investigate the value of rock Korean chessboards as a corroborative evidence that go, the play culture naturalized from the past, was also performed under the pavilion of the mountain stream, and the old tree. This study executes analysis on the location and form of rock Korean chessboards, physical environment such as the position of surrounding space, the origin of the nomination, surrounding landscape, and historical significance through the research analysis of comprehensive present conditions, and highlights the position types, landscape significance, and preservation value of the rock Korean chessboards of Korea from diverse angles. The result is as follows. 1. The styles of Korean chess (將棋), which identically propagated in the representative countries of Eastern culture, Korea, China, and Japan, and modified in accordance with each country's idea and native tendency, were organized, and confirmed the Korean Go as a naturalized native culture. 2. Out of 15 rock Korean chessboards confirmed through this study, 9 (60%) were categorized as rock Korean chessboards, and 6 (40%) were categorized as stone Korean chessboards. Also, the average size of the go boards were $51cm{\times}46.6cm$, which demonstrated not much difference with present day universal go boards. The Pearson correlation coefficient between bed rock and go boards were 0.647, demonstrating a relatively high correlation; the research subject of rock go boards have been constructed in consideration of rationality, convenience, and the value of promotion of public welfare. 3. The results of analysis of location patterns of rock Korean chessboard showed that villages (87%), mooring (73%), plains (60%) and mountains (47%). The most frequent location pattern is mooring and village, and these two factors played the most important role in determining the location of the rock Korean chessboard.

• Archives of design research
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• v.18 no.3 s.61
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• pp.85-94
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• 2005

Most of product designers use 3D CAD system as a inevitable design tool nowadays and many new products are developed through a concurrent engineering process. However, it is very difficult for novice designers to get the sense of reality from modeling objects shown in the computer screens. Such a intangibility problem comes from the lack of haptic interactions and contextual information about the real space because designers tend to do 3D modeling works only in a virtual space of 3D CAD system. To address this problem, this research investigate the possibility of a interactive quantified structure simulation for product design using AR(augmented reality) which can register a 3D CAD modeling object on the real space. We built a quantified structure simulation system based on AR and conducted a series of experiments to measure how accurately human perceive and adjust the size of virtual objects under varied experimental conditions in the AR environment. The experiment participants adjusted a virtual cube to a reference real cube within 1.3% relative error(5.3% relative StDev). The results gave the strong evidence that the participants can perceive the size of a virtual object very accurately. Furthermore, we found that it is easier to perceive the size of a virtual object in the condition of presenting plenty of real reference objects than few reference objects, and using LCD panel than HMD. We tried to apply the simulation system to identify preference characteristics for the appearance design of a home-service robot as a case study which explores the potential application of the system. There were significant variances in participants' preferred characteristics about robot appearance and that was supposed to come from the lack of typicality of robot image. Then, several characteristic groups were segmented by duster analysis. On the other hand, it was interesting finding that participants have significantly different preference characteristics between robot with arm and armless robot and there was a very strong correlation between the height of robot and arm length as a human body.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.415-440
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• 2018

On September 23, 2015, the Ministry of Education announced the 2015 revision of educational curriculum which aimed at 'cultivating creative talents' based on the Article 23, Section 2 of the Elementary and Secondary Education Law. As a result, music curriculum have also been partially revised, which seems to maintain the 2009 revision of music curriculum. Although Jeongganbo 井間譜 is already exposed in the music curriculum for the third and forth grades of elementary school, the learning content about how to read Jeongganbo and how to express the pitch and length of sound including the origin of its name and the background of its invention are dealt with specifically in the fifth and sixth grades. Jeongganbo is known as the oldest mensural notation in the Orient created by King Sejong of the Joseon Dynasty in the middle of the $15^{th}$ century, and it was used for the first time in Sejong sillok akbo 世宗實錄樂譜 (Scores in the Annals of King Sejong), the oldest musical score still in existence. However, in the music textbooks as well as the most of specialized books related to the Korean traditional music, it is uncritically accepted without providing clear grounds that Sejong invented Jeongganbo himself. If so, it is necessary to investigate on which grounds it is claimed that Sejong invented Jeongganbo. This paper first examined the grounds of the proposition that "Sejong invented Jeongganbo," which is introduced in the music textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades of elementary school, by separating it into Sejong's creation of Sinak 新樂 (new music), Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo and Sejong's invention of Hangeul. Next, this paper examined how the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo has been described in the textbooks for the fifth and sixth grades in elementary school based on the 2009 revision of music curriculum, and suggested the direction of a desirable music education by pointing out the related problems. According to historical records and circumstances such as Sejong's creation of Sinak, Sejo's invention of Jeongganbo with 16 Jeonggan (square) in one vertical line, Sejong's invention of Hangeul and so on, it seems to be the most reasonable that Sejong is the subject of the invention of Jeongganbo as of now. However, the attitude of the musical academy to accept and educate the unclear thing as if it is a fact does not seem desirable. Therefore, I suggest that it should be described "Jeongganbo was invented in the period of Sejong" or "it is supposed that Jeongganbo was invented by Sejong" rather than presenting "Sejong made Jeongganbo" or "created" until revealing the clear evidence about the subject of Jeongganbo.