• 제목/요약/키워드: His Royal Crown Prince

검색결과 17건 처리시간 0.022초

조선시대 상의원의 왕실복식 공급체계 연구 (A Study on the Sang-Uiwon to Make Royal Attire in Chosun Dynasty)

  • 김소현
    • 복식
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    • 제57권2호
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    • pp.11-28
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    • 2007
  • Sang-uiwon was the bureau of Royal attire in Chosun Dynasty. It had been established in King TAEJO, Chosun Dynasty. The 597 artisans, sorted by 68 types were assigned to Sang-uiwon. The ministry of Taxation[Hojo] and Tribute bureau[Seonhvecheong] had charged of finances of Sang-uiwon. According to the Regular rule of Sang-uiwon, there were five types for finances. The principal income tax[Won Gong] was the assignments of national finance to Sang-uiwon. The materials for the Royal informal dress were offered by usual tributes. The kinds of usual tributes were the tribute for the Royal families' birthday, holidays such as New Year's Day, the fifth day of the fifth lunar month, the harvest festival[Chuseok], and the winter solstice, the tributes for spring and fall, every first day and fifteenth day of the month, an annual tribute, an annual present, and an annual laudatory goods which were the King's presents to His Majesty's lieges. With usual tributes from Sang-uiwon, the Royal informal dress was made by the dressmakers and embroiderers who were Court ladies. The Royal informal dress for the King and the Crown Prince was trousers[Ba JI], shirts[Sam A], jackets[Gua Du], men's gowns[Chul lick], and long vests[Due Grae]. The Royal informal dress for the Queen and the Crown Princess was loose drawers[Dan Ni Ui], long skirts[Chi Ma], shirts[Sam A] and jarkets[Go Ui]. When there were the king's proceeding outside the palace, royal parties, cases of tributes to Chinese, special tributes were offered according to the procedures, like as making letters about the affairs, consulting, and permission. The tributes were also offered by a royal ordinance. According to the kinds of Royal event, the officers of Sang-uiwon procured the Royal costume which were conformed to the Royal etiquette.

낙선제(樂善齊) 일곽(一廓) 건축(建築)의 조영(造營)에 관한 복원적(復元的) 고찰(考察) (A Study on the Original State of the Buildings in NakSunJae Area)

  • 노진하;이상해
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제4권1호
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    • pp.43-70
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    • 1995
  • This paper aims to clarify the historical background and the architectural purpose of the buildings in NakSunJae area to the original state. Through the investigation, the clarified facts are as follows. 1. The relation with the buildings for the Crown Prince in the ChangDok Palace By constructing buildings in the NakSunJae area, the spatial conception of the Royal Palace was changed, that is, buildings for the Crown Prince in the ChangDok Palace disappeared and they became to belong to the ChangGyeong Palace. Moreover, by constructing the NakSunJae and its attached buildings, the area for the Crown Prince shifted to use as a private area for the king. 2. The date and the purpose of the construction The NakSunJae area is consisted of three compounds of building: NakSunJae, SukBokHun and SooKangJae. The NakSunJae was constructed for the king HunChong's private occupancy in 1847 and the SukBokHun for a residence of a royal concubine Kim, in 1847. The SooKangJae was originally built in 1785 in the SooKang Palace where the ex-king took up as his residence after abdicate the throne. Later on, it was repaired as the residence of the Queen SoonWon, king HunChong's grandmother, in commemoration for the 60th anniversary of her birth in 1848. 3. Architectural features of the NakSunJae area at the time of construction First, as the NakSunJae area is surrounded by quite high hills in northeast and by low hills in southwest, it is naturally distinguished from its surroundings and gives a cosy feeling. Second, the NakSunJae area shows very untrammeled style of arrangement in general, because it was constructed as a private occupancy for the king. other buildings are arranged in the latticing orderly, nonetheless, they are free by themselves from a strict form and make themselves an area full of variety. Third, the buildings in the NakSunJae area have a characteristic of naivety of common people's houses, because they were not an official but private place for the king, his concubine and his grandmother. Forth, the ornaments in the NakSunJae area are variously, elegantly and harmoniously patterned with the meaning of good luck. Fifth, back garden in the NakSunJae area was made by taking advantage of sloping hills. The back garden is beautifully configurated by arranging various constituent elements of pavilions, tiered flower beds, chimneys, decorated walls, small doors between walls, stoneworks and trees.

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융릉 정자각 및 비각 목부재의 연륜연대 분석 (Tree-Ring Dating of Wood Elements of Jeongjagak and Bigak for Yungneung)

  • 오정애;박원규
    • 한국가구학회지
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    • 제21권5호
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    • pp.424-431
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    • 2010
  • Yungneung is the royal tomb of King Jangjo (the Crown Prince Sado, 1735~1762) and his wife, Hyegyeonggung-the Lady Hong (1735~1815). King Jangjo was the second son of the 21st King Yeongjo of the Joseon Dynasty. The tomb of King Jangjo was originally established at Yangju near Seoul in 1762 and moved to Whaseong near Suwon in 1789. We examined tree-ring (dendrochronological) dates of Jeongjagak, the ceremonial hall and Bigak, the tombstone house of Yungneung. We obtained tree-ring dates of 54 wood elements. The dates of bark rings were A.D. 1785, 1786, and 1787 with completed latewoods. These tree-ring dates were well matched with the historically recorded date of two buildings, A.D. 1789 when two or three year-storage after cutting logs was considered. The results indicated that the present buildings of Yungneung was built when the royal tomb of King Jangjo was moved from Yangju to Suwon. A historical record about the construction of Yungneung, 'Hyeonyungwon-eugye' confirmed the majority of woods was moved from 'Manrichang', an official storage office in Seoul through Han river and Yellow Sea to Suwon.

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현륭원(顯隆園)의 입지선정과 원침계획에서 정조(正祖)의 역할 (King Jeongjo's Role in Selecting the Site and Planning the Tomb of Hyeonryungwon)

  • 김동욱;우희중
    • 건축역사연구
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    • 제17권5호
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    • pp.23-37
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    • 2008
  • Hyeunryungwon is a tomb for Crown Prince Sado, who was the father of King Jeongjo, the twenty second king of Joseon dynasty. The tomb had been originally in the Eastern part of Seoul, but was relocated in 1789 to the downtown Suwon, which was renowned as a good tomb site among the Royal family at that time. King Jeongjo looked through the records from the previous generations for the ideal location and direction for the tomb. He personally studied Feng Shui theory and designated its location and direction. He ordered for lavish decorations for the stone adornments of the surroundings of the grave mound, which was against the regulations of the royal family. He found his reasons in the precedent that allowed sumptuous decoration. However, for the arrangements of Jeongjagahk(T shaped building) and other attached facilities, he made unusual choice that other precedent royal tombs did not have. Instead of following the conventions that Jeongjagak should be facing south of a grave mound, he put it on the right side of grave mound. Also conventionally, Subokbang(a place where guards can stay) and Suragan(a kitchen that prepares food for sacrificial rites) should be facing symmetrically, but they too, were on the same side with Jeongjagak. It was a measurement that the grave mound of Hyeunryungwon can have a full view without being obstructed by other facilities and it was also personally ordered by King Jeongjo. The distinguishing features of Hyeunryuwon was motivated by King Jeongjo's filial affection, and his academic pursuit of precedent royal tombs initiated the unconventional and innovative challenges.

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조선시대(朝鮮時代) 유교사상(儒敎思想)과 의예복연구(儀禮服硏究) - 남자(男子) 포(袍)를 중심(中心)으로 - (A study on ceremonial costume and Confucianism is Chosun Dynasty - Focusing on Men's Po -)

  • 이선재
    • 복식
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    • 제16권
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    • pp.221-229
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    • 1991
  • This thesis aims at reviewing the wearing aspect and formation of Chosun ceremonial dresses for meal and finding out the thought reflected by them from the standpoint that dresses themselves should be taken as one of the phenomena in culture. That is men's ceremonial costumes and confucian costumes of the royal family and the gentry family in Chosun is reviewed focused on the formation and the wearing aspect of Po, Which is a kind of them. And in the context of the phase of the times. I also considered the thoughts reflected on the clothes such as confucianism, Ying & Yang Theory, and the symbol and the thoughts of patterns in relation to the clothes. Confucian influence was the main force for the Chosun prohibitions for clothes. The major reasons for the prohibitions for clothes were as follows. First, they reflected confucian Chung myoung chooui(the principle that everything should be where it belongs). That is the prohibitions for clothes were used in the means to maintain feudalistic social order. influenced by social rank system. Second, they reflected confucian ethics in the means to recover social disciplines with the maintenance of traditional customs. This shows well in the restriction of luxurious items in dressing included the prohibitions for clothes. Third, they reflected Chosun's toadysm toward China. With the influx of Chinese style of dressing then government even changed the style of uniforms for public officials into that of Chinese resulting in dual styles of dressing. Ying & Yan Theory greatly affected the colors of Korean clothes and reflected toadysm toward China. too. The theory was embodied by prohibition of such colors for clothes as white, gray, and jade green. I reviewed the twelve patterns on Myunpok, Ten-Longivity patterns and Four-Gracious plants patterns in order to analyze the symbolism and thoughts of patterns for clothes. Nansam, Dopo, and Shimui worn by confucian scholars ensures that those clothes bears confucianism and philosopical factors. As shimui was worn by many people it appears in Chosun scholars' studies and a Chinese book called "Yeki". I reviewed the origin, procession, and ornaments of four ceremonial clothes and tried to find out the confucianism in them. First, In Kwanrei (the coming-of-age ceremony) remained ancestor worship and respect for manners. The clothes for this ceremony granted the rights and responsibilities of and adult to the wearer. The royal Kwanreipok had different dresses for each rank. As Samgapok, the crown prince wore Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for the first ritual, Wonryukwan and Kangsapo for the second, and Myunrukwan and Konpok for the third. The rank of the King's grandson was lower than the crown prince's. This example shows that Chosun people respected manners and thought the basic confucianism "God and people are equal." at the Royal court. Second, as Honreipok(wedding gown), the crown prince wore Myunrukwan and Konpok for Daereipok, Wonyukwan and Kangsapo for Napjing and Tongwoo, and Iksunkwan and Konryongpo for Chekbinui. But common people were allowed to wear an official outfit only for wedding in the means of congratulation on the most important day of their life. Wedding gowns which reflected Ying and Yang Theory emphasized the thought that union of a man and a wife is the most important event in life. Third, Sangrei(funeral) was the last ritual of a human being to send off the deceased. The mourning dresses expressed lamentation of the people left behind. Five-Dress-System for each the relative degree of familarity showed the solemnity and formality, which represented the formality of confucianism and ancestor worship. I reviewed the mourning dresses by dividing them into royal, Yangban's, and commons. They were featured by the fact that there was only one style for every walk of life. It is construed that anyone in mourning can wear the same clothes since he feels the same way regardless of his social rank. Fourth, Chereipok(sacrificial rite dresses) had different styles for each social rank. The King wore Myunpok(Kuryumyun and Kujangpok) were recorded to be worn first in the fourth year of King Taecho's ruling. The crown prince wore Palryumyun and Chiljangpok for sacrificial rite dress which was finally settled when King Sejong was in power. Common people wore Dopo, Shimui for the rite dress in the beginning of the Chosun Era and wore Dopo after Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. In conclusion, confucianism played the main role in ceremonial dress system of Chosun and that was because it emphasized the ethics of action in life, which was different from other religions. It is true that cause-oriented thoughts and Chung myoung chooui in confucianism drove all ceremonies to extreme manners, discriminating the people who belonged to the lower social rank, and resulting in extremly luxurious life style. However, they also created a unique trend and clothes culture in the Chosun Era. I wish that this thesis provieds important information and direction for furthur studies in the future.

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용주사(龍珠寺) <삼세불회도(三世佛會圖)> 연구의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 검토 (A Review Examining the Dating, Analysis of the Painting Style, Identification of the Painter, and Investigation of the Documentary Records of Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple)

  • 강관식
    • 미술자료
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    • 제97권
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    • pp.14-54
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    • 2020
  • 용주사 <삼세불회도>에 대한 연구는 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 네 가지 핵심 사항이 실증적인 근거와 일관된 논리 아래 모두 일치되도록 정합적으로 설명해야 한다. 그러나 최근의 용주사 <삼세불회도> 연구에서 제기된 19세기 후반 화승 제작설과 1790년에 제작된 원본을 1920년대에 일반화가가 서양화법으로 개채한 것이라는 소론은 실증성과 논리성이 결여되어 성립되기 어렵다. 현존 <삼세불회도>의 축원문(祝願文)은 세자(世子) 책봉을 받지 않은 원자(元子)만 있던 시기였음에도 불구하고 당시의 관습대로 의례적인 삼전(三殿) 축원문을 썼다가 이를 주사로 지우고 다시 "주상전하수만세(主上殿下壽萬歲), 자궁저하수만세(慈宮邸下壽萬歲), 왕비전하수만세(王妃殿下壽萬歲), 세자저하수만세(世子邸下壽萬歲)"라는 특별한 내용과 예외적인 순서로 개서(改書)했는데, 이는 조선후기 불화의 축원문 형식과 내용을 광범위하게 조사하고 정조대 왕실의 전례(典禮)를 면밀히 분석해 볼 때, 현존하는 <삼세불회도>가 1790년의 창건 당시에 그려졌던 원본 진작임을 말해주는 가장 확실한 객관적 근거라고 할 수 있다. 삼세불회도의 형식(形式)과 도상(圖像), 양식(樣式), 미감(美感), 화격(畫格) 등을 18~19세기 불화나 궁중화원 양식과 다각도로 비교분석해 보면 용주사 <삼세불회도>는 1790년경 전후에만 나타나는 특징이 많이 보이기 때문에 축원문(祝願文)에 대한 분석 결과와 일치한다. 특히 18세기 전반까지만 해도 종교적 위상에 따라 존상의 크기가 결정되고 화면 구성도 근하원상(近下遠上)의 고식(古式) 원근법에 따라 관념적, 평면적 조형 위주로 이루어져 왔으나 이 <삼세불회도>는 투시법적 원근법의 논리에 따라 구축된 입체적 공간 속에 존상들을 매우 체계적으로 배치한 뒤 서양화(西洋畫)의 음영식(陰影式) 명암법(明暗法)을 적극적으로 구사하며 흰색 하이라이트와 그림자까지 표현함으로써, 마치 삼세불회(三世佛會)의 장엄한 세계가 눈앞에 실제로 펼쳐져 있는 것 같은 느낌을 준다. 이 투시법적 원근법의 내적 질서와 음영식 명암법의 외적 착시는 골육합체(骨肉合體)처럼 내적으로 긴밀히 연결되어 있는 것이기 때문에 흰색 하이라이트만 떼어내서 후대에 개채된 것이라고 볼 수 있는 것이 결코 아니다. 더구나 이 <삼세불회도> 같은 고도의 서양화법과 높은 화격(畫格)의 창의적 융합은 조선후기 회화사상 김홍도와 이명기, 김득신 같은 정조대의 궁중화원만이 이룩할 수 있는 고도의 양식이자 화격이다. 용주사 주지 등운(等雲)이 창건 이래 용주사에 전해져온 기록을 토대로 『용주사사적(龍珠寺事蹟)』을 정리하며 김홍도가 <삼세불회도>를 그렸다고 기록한 것은 이것이 당시의 역사(歷史)이자 실상이었기 때문이다. 조정의 공식 기록인 『일성록(日省錄)』과 『수원부지령등록(水原府旨令謄錄)』에는 김홍도와 이명기, 김득신이 감동(監董)했다고 기록되어 있지만, 이는 의례 화승(畫僧)들이 그려왔던 불화를 관원 신분의 화원에게 그리도록 하는 것이 엄격한 관직 체제나 운영상 부당한 것이기 때문에 정치적 부담을 피하기 위해 명분상 감동으로 발령한 뒤 실제로는 불화를 직접 그리도록 했던 데서 나타난 결과였다. 영정조대의 어진(御眞) 도사 과정에서 감동으로 불러들인 문인화가 조영석(趙榮祏)과 강세황(姜世晃)에게 국왕이 직접 그릴 것을 요구했던 사례에서 볼 수 있듯이, '감동(監董)'과 '집필(執筆)'은 경우에 따라 경계를 넘나들 수 있는 개념으로서 '감동'이 '집필'을 완전히 배제하는 것은 아니며 겸할 수도 있는 것이다. 그런 점에서 『용주사사적』의 기록은 『일성록』이나 『수원부지령등록』은 물론 황덕순의 「닫집 원문」 기록과도 모순되는 것이 아니라, 행간의 의미를 찾아 복합적으로 읽으면 각각의 맥락과 필요에 따라 동일한 내용의 표리를 다르게 기록해 놓은 것임을 알 수 있다. 이렇게 해석할 때 우리는 용주사 <삼세불회도>의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 네 가지 핵심 사항을 모두 실증적인 근거와 일관된 논리 아래 정합적으로 설명할 수 있을 것이다.

화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰 (A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple)

  • 최성은
    • 미술자료
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    • 제100권
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • 정유재란을 겪으며 전소(全燒)된 화엄사는 벽암각성(碧巖覺性)(1575~1660)의 주도 아래 재건이 이루어졌다. 대웅전에는 목조비로자나삼신불상이 봉안되었는데, 1634년에 완성하여 1635년에 점안·봉안되었다. 2015년에 석가불상 복장 <시주질>과 노사나불상 대좌 내부 판재(板材)에 적힌 <묵서명>이 조사되고, 2020년에 노사나불상의 복장 <시주질>이 조사되어 비로자나삼신불상의 조성에 참여한 청헌, 응원, 인균을 포함한 열여덟 명의 조각승들이 밝혀졌고 선조(宣祖)의 아들 의창군 이광(李珖)을 비롯한 왕실과 종친, 천명이 넘는 승속(僧俗)의 시주자들이 동참한 대규모 불사였음이 알려졌다. 비로자나삼신불상의 본존은 높이 2.76m의 장육불상으로 당시 불교조각에서 널리 유행하던 장신형의 비례감이 아닌 두부가 크고 어깨가 좁은 고식(古式)의 단구형(短軀形) 비례감을 보인다. 주먹 쥔 왼손을 오른손으로 감싼 비로자나불의 지권인(智拳印)과 보관을 쓴 보살형의 노사나불상은 북송대에 고려로 전해진 전통적인 도상(圖像)이며, 석가불상이 결한 독특한 항마촉지인의 형식은 명(明)에서 전래된 경(經) 변상도에 나타난 도상이 불교조각에 반영된 것으로 생각된다. 화엄사 비로자나삼신불상에서 나타나는 신구(新舊) 양식과 도상의 혼재는 화엄사 불사(佛事)를 맡았던 조각승들이 고려시대 불교조각의 귀족적 전통을 계승한 조선초기 불교미술에서 화엄사 삼신불상의 범본을 구하려했던데서 비롯된 것으로 이해된다. 또한 전란으로 소실된 고려시대 비로자나삼신불상의 원(原) 모습에 가깝게 복원되기를 바라는 화엄사 산중대덕(山中大德)들의 기대가 불상조성에 영향을 주었을 것으로 생각된다. 이와 같은 관점에서 화엄사 삼신불상의 노사나불상은 고려시대 비로자나삼신불상과 도상적으로 연결될 수 있으며 고려시대의 화엄사에 이와 유사한 도상과 양식의 비로자나삼신불상이 봉안되어 있었을 가능성을 상정해 볼 수 있다. 만우 휘헌의 『화엄사지』(1924)에 따르면, 화엄사는 고려 왕실의 축성의례를 거행해온 사찰로 여겨지는데, 이 전통이 조선후기까지 이어져 화엄사 재건 불사에서 새로 조성된 대웅전 비로자나삼신불상 역시 조선왕실의 축성의례를 위한 예배대상이었을 가능성이 크다. 따라서 화엄사 재건에 왕실과 종친이 시주자로 참여한 점도 이와 관련이 있을 것으로 생각된다.