• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.11
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• pp.297-313
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• 2019

China's 'One Belt and One Load' is a national development strategy that aims to develop China and Eurasian Economic Area into a single economic Area by overland and sea routes. Thus, China's 'One Belt and One Load' construction will be a new engine for China and global economic development. At the same time, expected to have a significant impact on the international economic order and the enhancement the status of the Chinese economy. First of all, 'One Belt and One Load' will contribute to China's social stability by reducing the development gap between the East and West regions to some extent, as well as solving the problems of overcapacity and overproduction in China. Moreover, with a stable supply of energy resources, it will also contribute to the stable development of the Chinese economy. China's 'One Belt and One Load' will also enhance China's status by enhancing the level of Chinese influence and RMB in the international economy, in addition to the economic development of China and 'One Belt and One Load' consecutive countries. In particular, it will weaken the influence of the US, which has dominated the hegemony in the international community. Therefore, Korea, which maintains close economic relations with China, needs to prepare for countermeasures by closely monitoring the change in China's status as a result of China's 'One Belt and One Load' construction.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.250-266
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• 2012

In neo-liberalism, the change-value of the market and of the machandise based on the individual as the consumer dominate the public sphere, and the capital power encroach on it. with the technological revolution. At the same time the public sphere as such represent the media sphere, which is more and more subordinate, and have no choice but to do to the governmental authority having political power privatized. The private usage of reason in the public sphere is carried out at the structual level. How can we call such a space in which the private usage of reason is generalized and dominant as the public sphere? And so now, we sound out the possibility of the public sphere such as a new space of the universality where the public usage of reason can be realized without any limits and with free. So, when we imagine the proletarian public sphere, in which co-exist the divers private interests, as a new public sphere capable to be constructed, we can address a question as follow. What is the caracteristic of the proletarian public sphere in modern society?, Is the public community able to be formed and realized in such space? How would have the proletarian public sphere the carateristics of the publis sphere? What is the attribute of the community that the proletarian public sphere would make, and what is its force of emancipation? The power is no longer stable and static. Rather, it is reconstructed and reorganized in the divers phases of the everyday life. It is the reason why we put on the order of the day the proletarian public sphere as alternative public space, which would be a place of divers hegemonic representation. And now, we are aware of the beginning of thses changes.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.64-85
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• 2016

This paper is to consider the development process of conflict between Daegu and Gumi which has been arisen from Daegu city's plan of relocation of water intake plant. It first argues that water is a major common and public resource which is circulated through the social process as well as the natural one, and hence that conflicts within or between regions due to its allocation should be resolved or managed by construction of collaborative governance in which all stake-holders participate. In particular, it is pointed out that collaborative governance would be not only oriented to a normative goal, but also be mobilized as a strategic means. On the basis of this conceptual consideration, this paper explores the development process of conflict caused by Daegu city's plan of relocation of water intake plant, and analyze the starting conditions and deliberation process of the public-private committee which has been constituted through a consensus between Daegu and Gumi city government. It concludes that the current interruption of the committee has happened, because it has been mobilized politically as a strategic means for regional hegemony, not as a normative one to resolve the conflict.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.4
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• pp.289-350
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• 2006

The world has been rapidly restructured in an agenda of national security from center of military strength to that of economic strength since the post cold-war era China military leadership-division carried out RMA through learning of a lesson from Gulf war in 1990 -1991 and Iraq war in 2003, thus the leadership-division made an attempt to convert the military system to a technical intensive system. The principle based on RMA of China military is (National defense strategy) drafted by the central military committee 1985 and (Four modernization general principles) 1978. China has introduced Russian high-technological arms and equipment in order to build up the military arms greatly thanks to an economical development, and they take pragmatism line as chinese socialism with their strategy to make secure a position as military powers such as they successfully launched a manned spacecraft and are building an air-craft carrie and soon. USA has a theory of dichotomy whether a country is a cooperator for USA, or not. and also enemy or friend since 9.11terror, thus USA is different from their direction of police. This is because USA stands a position as the superpower of the supremacy hegemony of the world. We must be carefully aware that USA considers as important area for Middle east, West south Asia, Central Asia and Northwest Asia to meet the demands of 2lcentury. Accordingly, the focus of USA's military strategy will be probably concentrated at the above mentioned four areas. On the other hand, USA enjoys such a superpower position due to collapse of USSR which was the past main enemy since the post cold war era. We could give an conclusive example as fact that USA has recurred to unilateralism But USA carry on the military operations to the terror groups at global around by converting thje military strike strategy to pre-emptive strike strategy since9.11 terror, 2001. USA seeks for transformation to the mobile military forces with light-quantity oriented in order to carry on such the military operations and makes progress GPR, And the USA forces in Korea makes progress a military renovation as part of such a military strategy. On the other hand, USA promotes the measures of choose for the countries standing at the crossroads of strategy and carries forward a main scheme of provision for four priority aims that the leaders of a hostile country and mis-country shall be prohibited from use and obtainment of weapons of mass destruction. Accordingly, this treatise found out a significant meaning to have an effect on the national security in the korean peninsula.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.38
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• pp.191-214
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• 2015

Chinese American Writer, Ha Jin has been writing exclusively about the life in his native Communist China. His stories and poems are almost all about the Chinese people so far. In addition, the distinctive Chinese flavour and the inexorably repressive image of China in his works present an 'Other' to the American culture. Such kind of Chineseness can also be found in Ha Jin's works and his career as a writer. The continued demand for knowledge of China, which is created by China's increasingly important role in the globalized economy, sustains the country's position as an Other for America. In his early four novels, Ha Jin portrays a totally repressive image of Communist China, an image of which functions perfectly as a form of otherness for his American readers. In Ha Jin's portrayal, the Chinese masses are subjected to the Communist authority through its bureaucracy and state-economy mechanism, as well as through the godlike image of Mao Zedong. They are to follow the Communist conscience and subscribe to unity-in-difference. Deviation from the one-party rule is intolerable. In each of the novels, Ha Jin presents a specific system of repression. In In the Pond, confrontation against Party authority is contained by a process of complicity. In Waiting, the Party's power is upheld through a system of surveillance in which people act as agents, resulting in a web of power which paralyses love. The Crazed illustrates a play of power by Party officials which, against the backdrop of the Tiananmen Square Massacre, is full of craze itself, driving people either out of sanity or out of the country. War Trash exposes the Communist power's repression to the extreme by presenting a case of dishonour in those whose life is debased as trash by the Party. The repressive image of China produced in these stories, which span over half a century, makes Ha Jin's China a perfect Other for the West. To sum up, Ha Jin's novels construct a repressive image of China. In his novels, Ha Jin exposes the working of repression in particular systems. Through these systems, he problematizes the notion of personal autonomy for Chinese people and proposes for his western/American readers a solution which eventually turns into a re-presentation of American hegemony.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.187-226
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• 2017

North Korea discourse is doubtful. A considerable portion is distorted under political objectives, group identity, and interests. Surely, there are facts based on North Korea's conducts. Apparent deceptions commonly exist as well though. Korean media does not endeavor to set the records straight and there are no revision towards mislead information. This is substantially dangerous as it can misjudge North Korean policies, beget national antipathy, and interferes with rational and constructive policy making. This study stems from such concerns and takes such cases as HEU(Highly Enriched Uranium) suspicion of 2002, dispute covering BDA(Banco Delta Asia)'s counterfeiting, and the abandonment of the Geneva Agreed Framework into consideration. The first part concentrates on fathoming the truth of the three cases. References from US government, academia, think tanks, media were inquired with an addition of secondary material from Korea and China. Secondly it examines whether domestic news properly reflects the precedent facts along the process of discovery. The cause and solution suggested by domestic media were organized and inductively reconstituted to frames. The last study questions the structural factors that reproduces suspicion analogs. Today's dangers facing Korean society are essentially not natural but artificial. This research hopes to foster peace by analyzing related discourses that are infamous to reinterpret reality.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.126
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• pp.295-320
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• 2013

This thesis amis to demonstrate basically that language has the potential enough to be able to determine human's belief, attitude and behavior for Spinoza. As long as the language could be conceived with the potential to do, then it is very important in human community. And it is through dynamic and changeable, not fixed state, that meaning of this language is revealed. For Spinoza, even sign and its meaning compose one language system, but both of which are different from the other community. Because language as sign used in a specific society is articulated expression of body image, each imagination as idea is necessarily followed by its sign. This fact makes us say that language express imaginal knowledge. But language should not be considered as an means to express adequate idea of it. By the reason that order of meaning is only determined by the connection of signs, and that of meanings, each meaning of sign is not fixed. In this respect, certain meaning is changeable on account of changing new order of ideas. Through re-arranging new order of meaning, language could express more adequate and better idea than before. but what the most important fact is that it is not sufficient to express adequate idea by the means of language. Power of language determining human's belief and attitude does not depend on whether meaning of sign is true or not, but on hegemony of order of meaning. with this regard, this world could be seen as battle area of conflicting for orders of meaning. The more members accept newly created rational thought through newly arranged words, the more new views of value gain power. Solidarity of man using common language can change the world. For this purpose, first step depends on freedom of thought, freedom of deliverance of thought in which spinoza insists through A Theological - Political Treatise.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.46
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• pp.411-434
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• 2017

With emphasis on various local cultures to confront the Western central culture, Ngugi wa Thiong'o proposes them 'to move horizontally' so as not to repeat the oppressive culture of the West. We need not only dialogues between dominant languages and peripheral languages, but also between marginal languages. With respect to this point, Ngugi thinks that translation itself could be very effective. Ngugi wants to stimulate writing and speaking in marginalized languages and promote translation as a means of making these languages visible. He regards translation as a conversational tool among languages and cultures in the multicultural global community. As is already well known, his determination to write his later works only in his native Gikuyu language has a great meaning in his anti-colonial as well as anti-neocolonial movement. Its proof is his recent effort to cooperate with Jalada Africa. Simon Gikandi criticized the English translation of Matigari as a denial of cultural hegemony of Gikuyu language and its subordination to the global cultural market. However, the concept of 'thick translation', helps us move from Gikandi's doubt of the 'epistemology of translation' to a meaningful strategy of postcolonial translation. Facing some of the scholars' doubts related to his over-stressing language problem, Ngugi points out that the world has managed to function well through translation: the possibility of translation between cultures and translation as a mediating tool for communication nationally as well as internationally. Based on this two-sided solution of translation, he believes that we can overcome the opposition between relativity and universality, center and periphery, and the dominant and the subordinate.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.3
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• pp.172-187
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• 2014

The purpose of this paper is to examine how the 'tradition' has been identified and used concretely on the protection system of cultural property. Firstly, this paper investigated the historical process and aspects that the 'cultural property' and the 'tradition' combined, each had different meaning at the beginning. And it investigated the linkage of them which effect to the protection system and to each other on the system operated. Then, it pointed out a rift within the discourse of tradition to which the system have held on, and the problems as its result. This paper applied the viewpoint of anti-essentialism that the tradition is presented with hegemonic act to raise the inevitable continuity with the past, instead of the common notion that the tradition is 'everything that is handed down from the past.' Because the cultural property is the product of the state system, to pursne the linkage of it and the tradition is identical to examine how the tradition have been officially defined in the national hegemony. Since the 1920s the tradition has defined as a fixed, essential, pure reality in the changing process of the protection system of cultural property. This essentialist viewpoint about the tradition have been continued as the institutional premise regardless of many critics, raised by studies focusing on the culture and cultural property. But we see now a rift on the discourse of tradition as the intellectual discourse has been supported to the system, that is caused by the fast-changing global economic environment and a rat race around the registration of intangible cultural heritage of UNESCO.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.91-118
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• 2016

As all are aware, the results of the Malaysia 12th General Election (GE-12) in 2008 have surprised many. Not only the dominant parties Barisan Nasional (BN) were shocked by the loss of significant numbers of seats but for the first time in the history of Malaysia politics, vis-${\grave{a}}$-vis, electoral affairs, they were denied a two-thirds majority in the Parliament. Notwithstanding the opposition parties such as Parti Islam Se-Malaysia (PAS), Democratic Action Party (DAP) and Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR: The People's Justice Party) that form the opposition coalition called Pakatan Rakyat (People's Alliance: PR), has come to a surprised with the GE-12 result, in which they not even think that were able to challenge hegemonic politics of BN, managed to capture and formed a government at the state level namely Kedah, Penang, Perak, and Selangor, except Kelantan which has been under the control of PAS since the 1990 general election. This article aims to analyze whether Sabah as a "fixed deposit"state is still relevant in understanding the continuity and survival of the BN political hegemony in the context of Malaysia political developments post-13th general election.