• 대한가정학회지
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• 제32권3호
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• pp.217-226
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• 1994

Cloth culture is one of the basic unit of constructing man's culture in a life of human being. One of the fundamental elements to construct cloth culture is the silk-fabric from the ancient time-Sam Han period B.C 2∼4 Korea. This study is to survey the growing aspects of the silk-fabric influence Goguryo & Bakje dynasty. It is an attempt to manifest that how silk-fabric influence through a trade or as means of currency between the two nations at that time. through a trade or as means of currency between the two nations at that time. To certify I use material such as San guo zhi, Hou Han han shu from China Samkuksaki Dong-kuk-tong-gam from Korea and NiHon Shoki from Japen and I concerned the cultural relations of politics economics and socity of the two dynastics so as to prove a relations of politics economics and socity of the two dynastics so as to prove a relative relation between the two. It is reached to the conclusion that silk fabric had been a constituent role at cloth culture at that time of Goguryo & Bakje. It is pointed out that silk-fabric had been an important role to construct the culture of social economic and politic through a trade and as a precious currency.

• 한국철학논집
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• 제38호
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• pp.251-273
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• 2013

본 논문은 중화(中和) 사상을 둘러싼 북송대 사마광과 한유의 심성 논쟁을 다룬 것이다. 사마광과 한유의 서신 교환은 당시 유가(儒家) 진영의 대표적 지식인과 불가(佛家)에 심취해 있던 지식인 사이에 진행된 심성 논쟁이라는 점에서 송대 심성론 발전에 미친 다양한 사상적 원류에 관한 논의를 제공해 줄 수 있다. 뿐만 아니라 양자의 서신 교환 내용은 훗날 정주학의 심성론이 당시 어떠한 사상적 배경 아래 구체화될 수 있었는지, 어떠한 이론적 진보를 이루어냈으며, 그 사상사적 의의는 무엇인지에 관한 논의를 살펴보는 데 중요한 단서로 활용될 수 있을 것이다.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제33권4호
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• pp.307-321
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• 2018

This study will introduce the foods recorded in Gyemiseo and disclose the substantive characteristics of traditional Korean food in the early stage of the Joseon Dynasty. Gyemiseo is a cook book manuscript written in the Chinese language that was rebound into book format at the end of the Joseon Dynasty in 1911, some 358 years after it was originally written in the $163^{rd}$ year of the Joseon Dynasty (1554) While the majority of cook books begin with recipes for various types of wines and liquor followed by those for fermented sauces, fermented vegetables (such as kimchi), vinegars and storage methods, etc., Gyemiseo begins with recipes for fermented sauces, followed by recipes for various kimchis, how to make vinegars, main meals, side dishes, rice cakes and confectionaries, with recipes for wines and liquor introduced last. Therefore, it can be assumed that the methods of brewing wines and liquors were additionally recorded for bookbinding. There are a total of 128 recipes recorded in Gyemiseo, including 13 for fermented sauces, 14 for kimchi, 11 for the main meal, 26 for side dishes, three storage methods, four for rice cakes and confectionaries, and 44 for wines and liquors. It is believed that contents of Gyemiseo will provide a foundation on which to pursue researches on the process of transition of cooking methods of traditional cuisines of Korea during the Joseon Dynasty.

• 복식
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• 제57권1호
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• pp.105-117
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• 2007

The purpose of this study is to help the understanding the characteristics in the costumes of men and women throughout the overall acceptance process of 'Naewaebub' in the late 'Chosun Dynasty' in which the notion of 'Naewae' is more prosperous than any other period in Korean history. Originally the distinction between man and woman was not intended to display the high and the low but to show the mutual respect according to each duty. As time goes on, that ideal became gradually changed to heighten the man and lower the women especially in 'Han' period of China. There was the ideal of distinction in the ancient times in Korea. Until 'Koryo Dinasty' the community has the system of blood-tied that put together maternal and paternal. 'Karye' was introduced in the late 'Koryo Dynasty' and accepted to the stereotype of morale in the 'Chosun Dynasty' and there seemed to be 'Samgang' and 'Oryun' at once. Many restrictions was imposed to behavior in women like rules of prohibition in attending the temple and concealment of woman's face and was recognized to rule of distinction between man and woman. Confucian life custom has been settled to Korean society throughout the late 16th century and 17th century and there were some appearances in the housing construction which divide the residences of man and woman. The characteristics in the costume from the avoidance of opposite sexes are clear in the structure of clothes changed from similar style to different style. The examples of those characteristics are as fellows. The costume in man was developed to advanced 'Pyoun-bokkwan' and 'Pyounbokpo' as social action of man prospered. Meanwhile the trousers which had been the same in the man and woman were separated to different trousers between man and woman. The costume life style of woman was changed to using the a hair whirl, hiding the face in the street and overlapping the innerwear under the skirt which was extension of woman's closed life style in late 'Chosun Dynasty'.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제24권4호
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• pp.157-174
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• 2011

We derived following result by organizing research about processing of medicinal of before Han(漢) dynesty. The human being intake of natural substance for the purpose of treatment was what happened later than the use of natural substance as food. According to the record of by the early years of Shang(商) dynasty, we can assume that we cooked food with water and fire. The reason why there is no appearance of common production that can be included under the name of 'Tang Ye(湯液)' in the medical record discovered from Ma Wang Dui(馬王堆) is because 'Tang Ye' was yet developed. However, as the presentation of format of medicine process, there was gradual formation of medicinal fluid concept. There are quite of records on major details of cloth manufacture like washing and selection, grinding, processing of medicine from the recordings of "Wu Shi Er Bing Fang(五十二病方)", "Yang Sheng Fang(養生方)", "Za Liao Fang(雜療方)" discovered at Ma Wang Dui. It used words like 'Ze(擇)', 'Qu(去)' for the selection and 'Jiu(酒)', 'Zhuo(濯)' for the wash as a process method before cloth manufacture. When filter the processed medicine, it used words like 'Zhuo(捉)', 'Suo(索)', 'Jun(浚)' and used 'Yin Gan(陰乾)', 'Bao(暴)', 'Yang(暘)' for dry. The 'cutting(切削)' that crushes the medicine used different names based on the properties of medicines. The most frequent crush is 'Ye(冶)' and it means the powered medicine after dry. There was thermal process of mild fire(微火) and heating of 'Wen(溫)'. There are many states of medicine seen from the medical record discovered at Ma Wang Dui so they can be said as original medicine. 藥末劑 is relatively commercialized type then. Here, it includes later 湯劑 but there was no name such as 'decoction(湯)' or 'decoction of medical ingredients(湯液)'. Also, 'Fu Ju(㕮咀)' is the transformation of what was 'Fu Qie(父且)' at "Ja Liao Fang" of medical books of Ma Wang Dui with time flow. The original meaning of 'Fu Qie(父且)' is 'Fu Zu(斧俎)' and it means the crushing medicine with axe. The most important thing among the medical books of Han dynasty is "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing(神農本草經)" and "Shang Han Za Bing Lun(傷寒雜病論)" of Zhang Zhong Jing(張仲景). "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing" mentioned the dry method of medicine, collection and process production time, cooked and uncooked use of medicine and there are several types of medicine. Other than those, it mentioned 'Seven methods of combining herbs(七情合和)' to address cautions for combining medicines. Therefore, the 'processing of medicinal' in east Han dynasty period entered the theoretical step. However, there is only little recording on cloth manufacture of detailed medicine. From the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun" of Zhang Zhong Jing, the development in the way of 'processing of medicinal' reveled the cloth manufacture for each medicine. This tradition is continued until today and so it presents the development of purpose of 'processing of medicinal' is to greatly present the effect of medicine and to reduce the side-effect.

• 복식
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• 제31권
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• pp.61-73
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• 1997

Kon-myuh was worn by the ancient Chinese and Korean rulers as ceremonial dress during special rituals such as worshipping heaven and ancestors marriage or funerals. kon-myun consists of two major parts-Myun and kon-bok (the main bodypiece) as well as other articles of clothing(skirt footgear etc), There were regulations set in ancient books describing in detail the make of the kon-myun number of ryu and symbol to be used all which applied to each ruler depending on rank and status. This study is aimed at examining the consistency of the korean and Chinese in following the regula-tions as seen in relics which have been recovered from the past. Based on historical findings it seems that Korean Kon-myun came to Korea from China during the Three Kingdoms period. It was also worn in the Koryo and Chosun Dynas-ties and the Taehan Empire. In studying Konmyun in Korea the researcher studied a book from the early Chosun dynasty, Kukjo-oryeuiseory and a book from the late Chosun Dynasty Kukjo-sangrye-bopyun to find the guidelines and rules applying to the Kon-myun tradition. Slight difference were found across time in the supplementary articles of clothing as seen in Uigwe Pokwan-doseols explanations and drawings of Kon-myun. The researcher used uigwes of funerals of kings of the Chosun Dynasty and observed change over this period of time. However there was a clear consist-ency: the king's Kon-myun consisted of 9ryu-myun 9chang-bok while that of the prince consisted of 8ryu-myun 7chang-bok. For the Taechan Empire the researcher used Tae-han Yae-jun which shows the emperor's kon-myun to have consisted of 12ryu-myun 12chang-bok. To study how the regulations were put into practice relics were uncovered from the periods being studied. A portrait of King Ik-Jong remnants from King Ko-jong's Kon-bok and a photograph of Emperor Sun-jong all were in close adherence to the regulations outlined in the books. In China Kon-myun was worn by emperors from the Han to the Ching Dynastices. The researcher investigated Kon-myun es-pecially in the Ming Dynasty. The Kon-myun regulations as read in Tai-ming-hui-chan changed through all four periods. To study the faithfulness of practice to low Ding-ling the tomb of Emperor Shin-jong who ruled during a period of the Ming Dynasty was unearthed and the remains of the Emperor's Kon-myun were analyzed. The Kon-myun consisted of 12ryu-myuh 18chang-bok and there were other differences I color symbols and wearing method when compared to the regulations. It can be concluded that the Chinese Kon-myun tradition was not in strict adher-ence to the regulations established by law books. This is in contrast to the Korean Kon-myun tradition which showed little devi-ation. Further study is needed to understand why there was this difference in tradition and ritual.

• 공연문화연구
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• 제20호
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• pp.95-128
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• 2010

본고에서는 "철백구" 본을 통해 청대 무대에서 공연되던 "팔의기"의 공연 특성을 살펴보는 데 목적을 두었다. "철백구" 본을 통해 에피소드 중심의 옴니버스 공연으로 특징적인 장면들을 엮어 집약적으로 보여주는 절자희 공연의 규범이 확립되었음을 볼 수 있다. 재자가인극才子佳人劇이 절대적인 수적 우위를 보이던 명청 극목 가운데서 정淨과 말末, 외外, 생生 등 남성적인 배역이 골고루 등장하여 다양한 인물 형상을 보여준 작품이다. 절자희 공연을 통해 다양한 각색의 연기가 균형적 발전을 보이게 된다. "철백구" 본 "팔의기"는 곤곡으로 연창되는 판본이다. 명 중엽 이후 곤곡 연창의 전승이 규범화되면서 여러 텍스트들이 비교적 일치된 면모를 보여준다. 그러나 일부 당시 최대의 통행본이었던 "육십종곡" 본과 차이를 보이기도 해서, 다른 성강에 비해 규범화된 곤곡도 시기적으로 변화를 피할 수 없음을 보여준다. 특히 연출본으로서 절자희 공연의 면모를 잘 보여주는 '철백구" 본의 경우, 고른 배역 운용과 생동감 있는 대사와 지문, 그리고 축의 골계 연기가 장엄한 비극을 장엄하지만은 않은 놀이로의 연극으로 만들어가는 면모를 잘 보여주고 있다.

• 한국철학논집
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• 제32호
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• pp.337-370
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• 2011

청초의 학술계는 "사고제요"의 편찬이라는 사건을 계기로 한학(漢學) 중심의 학술사조가 새롭게 형성되었으며, 춘추학 분야에서도 새로운 변화가 모색되었다. 본 논문에서는 "사고제요"의 춘추관(春秋觀), 그 중에서도 특히 전통적인 춘추학(春秋學)의 전개 과정과 양상에 대한 "사고제요"의 이해와 평가를 살펴보았다. "사고제요"에서는 공양학(公羊學)과 곡량학(穀梁學), 그리고 송학(宋學) 계열 학자들의 "춘추"해석에 대한 비판적 분석을 시도했는데, 그것은 춘추학의 새로운 연구방법론을 구축하기 위한 사전 사업의 성격을 띤다. "사고제요"에서는 "좌씨전"의 중요성을 주장하면서도 그 단점을 과감하게 지적하고, 그것의 보완을 위해 "공양전"과 "곡량전"의 장점을 적극적으로 수용할 것을 요구한다. 심지어 주요 비판의 대상인 송대 춘추학 분야에 대해서도 학파적 편견을 최대한 배제한 채, 객관적이고 합리적으로 평가하려고 노력하였다. "사고제요"에서 이와 같은 세밀하고 객관적인 분석이 선행되었기 때문에 춘추학 분야는 "사고제요"의 편찬을 기점으로 새로운 전환점을 맞이할 수 있었다. 역사적 사실에 대한 고증과 의리 담론을 종합적으로 판단하는 새로운 연구방법론은 청초 한학 중심의 학술계에서 발굴한 주요 성과의 하나라고 할 수 있다.

• 한국응용곤충학회지
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• 제49권4호
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• pp.375-384
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• 2010

조선시대의 기록인 조선왕조설록DB와 국역 해괴제등록(國譯 解怪祭謄錄)을 통해 역사적인 해충인 황(蝗) 또는 비황(飛蝗)으로도 불리는 황충(蝗蟲)의 발생상을 분석하여 그 실체를 밝히고 황충의 방제사를 정립하고자 하였다. 황충발생기사 건수는 조선왕조실록 총 261건, 해괴제등록 65건이 있었다. 조선시대 전체를 통해서 황충의 발생기사 건수는 4차례의 피크가 있었는데, 조선초기인 태조-세종대에 가장 발생 빈도가 높았다. 조선왕조실록과 해괴제등록의 황충 기록을 비교한 결과, 해괴제등록 65건으로 조선왕조실록 37건에 비해 월등히 많았지만, 사건기록의 일치성은 낮았다. 조선시대 황충의 개념은 곡식해충뿐 아니라 소나무 등 산림해충까지 포함하는 것이었으며, 해괴제등록의 경우, 충재 중 80%가 황충으로 언급되어 있었다. 따라서 황의 개념은 Saigo (1916, 1937)의 주장이 합당한 것으로 판단되었다. 전체 황해(蝗害) 기사 261건 중 9.5%인 25건에서 황충의 분류학적 실체를 추적할 수 있었는데, 멸강나방 11건, 나방류 9건, 이화명나방 2건, 풀무치 2건, 벼멸구 1건, 벼물바구미 1건으로 Paik (1977)의 주장과 상당부분 일치하였으며, 황충=풀무치 또는 메뚜기류란 주장은 타당성이 낮았다. 조선왕조실록에서 황충 기사 중 출현보고는 173건으로 전체의 66%이고, 출현보고의 47%가 단순보고로서 황충발생의 보고 자체가 매우 중요했음을 의미했다. 황충의 방제대책은 발생보고건수의 20%(34건)로 낮았고, 주로 포획법이나 포제를 올렸으며, 단지 1건의 예방법이 세종대에 기사화 되었다. 황해로 인한 정책수행이나 계획의 변경 논의가 37건 있었는데, 주로 백성의 구휼이나 세금 감면이었고 군사훈련 중지, 축성 중지 등 백성 동원으로 인한 피해를 방지하고자 하였다. 또한 황충피해는 백성뿐 아니라 국왕에게 영향을 미쳐 성종의 경우 10건의 기사에서 황충방제의 스트레스를 언급하였으며, 정종 대에는 선위에 간접적 영향이 있음도 기록을 통해 확인할 수 있었다.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제7권2호
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• pp.119-125
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• 1992

To analyze food material and table wares in daily reception dishes of Choson Dynasty, studied historic book 'Young jeob Dogam Zabmulsek Euigwae' (1609, 1643 year) described the daily reception dishes for Chinese envoy in Choson Dynasty. The results obtained from this study are as follows. 1. Food material for reception Chinese envoy were vegetable, pickled vegetable, soup (?水), brown seaweed, kelp, green seaweed, garlic, pine mushroom, mushroom, driedfish, fish egg, shrimp, pork, pheasant, fowl, salted fish shrimp and etc, various fruits preserved in honey, green peajelly, buck wheat jelly and bean curd. 2. The table wares were rice bowl(鉢里), small bowl of porcelain(甫兒), water bowl(大貼), plate(貼是), small dish(鍾子), small earthen ware jar(東海), jar(缸), pottery(甕), table(盤), chopsticks(?), washbowl(洗面盆), earthen ware steamer(甑), kettle(釜), brazier(爐), measuring cup(升), unit of measure(合), meter(稱子), spoon(匙), chest (函), lid(蓋), large rice bowl(所羅) and bowl(椀).