• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.81-97
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to examine what people in Korea recognize the cultural symbolism and the planting patterns of 'Guǐmok', pagoda tree(Sophora japonica). The species planted in the 'Guǐjeong' was empirically investigated and analyzed to determine which species of pagoda tree or Zelkova tree(Zelkova serrata) was taken through literature surveys, field surveys, and interviews with persons. This 'Guǐjeong' was combined to track how the culture of the 'Guǐmok' planting introduced in China was ultimately accepted and transformed in Korea. In this study, we tried to analyze the meaning implicit in the mystery while checking the distribution of the mystery and the form of the mystery, the name of the pavilion and its relevance to the contrast medium. Essentially, the trees that govern the characterization of the nectar plant, regardless of the region, are considered to be a pagoda tree, which is considered an internal factor in which the pagoda tree culture was not completely transformed into a zelkova tree. It was recognized throughout the Joseon Dynasty that the species representing 'Prime ministers(三公)' was judged from all the Joseon Dynasty periods, based on the builder of Guǐjeong's Aho(雅號) and Dangho(堂號). It was confirmed that the tree was very likely to be planted in place of the painting tree. But now is selectively zelkova tree is in accordance with the preparation of planting site conditions and areas on behalf of the Change is very high probability that is planted. Cultural variables that led to the cultural transformation of the 'Guǐmok' seem to have been deeply involved in the geographical space of China and Korea, Confucian practices of the Choson society, comings and goings and letter bridge, and network strength with China through the book spread. In addition, the culture of 'Guǐmok' is presumed to have led to cultural custom of the upper class, not the whole class, in the Yeongnam region, it can be said that the independent adaptation to act to recognize 'Guǐmok' as a pagoda tree, that is a Sophora japonica, has occurred very strongly. The difference between the cultural areas of Yeongnam and non-Yeongnam is also considered to be an internal factor that has played a major role in the cultural transformation of planting of 'Guǐmok'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.97-109
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• 2015

This study was focused on the placeness of Nogosan Dokjae-dong and rock inscription located in Jangheung-myeon, Yangju-si, Gyeonggi-do. The purpose was to reveal the implication of Nogosan and Dokjae-dong Valley in terms of Historic cultural landscape by considering the characteristics of the place and its landscape, and inferring the significance of the letters engraved on the rock. The result is as follows.10) Samgaksan is one of the five famous mountains in Korea. It is the sacred mountain that stands behind the capital city of the Joseon Dynasty that lasted for 600 years. On the other hand, the placeness of Nogosan is significant since it was the place where people used to bow low to the three great summits of Samgaksan. Furthermore, Nogosan was the perfect place to view Samgaksan that represented the Joseon spirit. Many letters were engraved on the rocks around Dokjae-dong Valley by Misu Heo Mok(許穆) as part of his memories to describe his experience in the mountain and became a scenery. Chusa(秋史) Kim Jung-Hee(金正喜) also engraved letters of 'Mongjae' on the rock that contains a double meaning. Literally, it means 'a dreaming house' However, it also implies that even just a daydream is significant in a way. These letters are presumed to be the signs that are related to Sung-Jae(性齋) Heo Jeon(許傳)'s experience in Dokjae-dong since the letters were part of his famous book title. Below these two letters, Chusa also engraved letters that describe the sexagenary cycle including the year of the rat, horse, dog, and tiger. They are regarded as the letters that describe the fate of Chusa's friend, a scholar born in May 1804. Nogosan and Dongjae-dong Valley are very significant in terms of historic cultural landscape as a viewpoint to see Samgaksan; and a place that cherishes the traces of Misu and shows common values and cohesiveness of well-known scholars of the Joseon Dynasty including Song Wol-Jae(松月齋) and Sung-Jae as a of Gihonamin(畿湖南人). The engraved letters of Chusa and Misu also implicitly demonstrates the major trends of Korea's calligraphy history.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.22-31
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to illuminate historical sensitivity and design in the days of the Joseon era and examines the phenomenon of acculturation as revealed in the planting of Sophora japonica and Zelkova serrata in the garden grove by looking into the purpose underlying the construction, formative intention and the process of change in Pohang's Chirinjeong wonlim. Chirinjeong, also called Sanggaejeong(雙槐亭) after the fact that two Zelkova serrata trees were planted there, is a hermit pavilion in Sa-il village, Chogok-ri, built in the 9th year of King Taejong(1409) by Jang, Pyo(張彪, 1349~?) of an officer of bureaucratic origin toward the end of the Goryeo Dynasty, the Chirinjeong garden grove is an element essential to Chogok, the 3rd Gok of Sanggaegoogok(雙溪九曲). The wonlim of Chirinjeong is divided into the pavilion section composed of the entrance area, Chirinjeong, composed of Zelkova serrata and Sophora japonica, and the pond section composed of a quadrangular pond and island(方池方島), and Lagerstroemia indica. In view of the intent of the name Chirinjeong or of the fact that the pavilion was named based on that the royal seal string was hung on the Sanggwaesoo(雙槐樹) or two Zelkova serrata trees, it is reasonable to view it as Zelkova serrata trees having been planted early in the days of the Joseon Dynasty and those additionally planted later on that symbolizes the position of the three nobles and the Sophora japonica. In addition, in spite of the fact that the type of trees supplementarily planted in the 21st year of King Yeongjo(1745) is known as Sophora japonica, it is impossible to rule out the possibility of the tree planted outside of Chirinjeong being Zelkova serrata. In short, the three Zelkova serrata trees planted along with Sophora japonica must certainly be evidence that Zelkova serrata planted along with Sophora japonica in Chirinjeong wonlim indicates that the off spring of the Indong Jang family could tell the difference between Sophora japonica and Zelkova serrata. In the recognition process of Zelkova serrata trees finding their way into Korea, it was known as Zelkova serrata on the one hand and as Sophora japonica on the other, and the former, which enjoys a comparative advantage over in terms of the easiness with which to purchase, growth speed and possibility of growing into a long-lived tree was interchanged with Zelkova serrata, a case of acculturation as manifested in the planting of Sophora japonica in the Chirinjeong garden grove.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.128-141
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• 2012

This study focused on the historic documents known as $deungnok$, records created during preparations for royal events in the $Joseon$ Dynasty, rather than the often cited $uigwe$, the documents describing the Royal Protocol of the $Joseon$ Dynasty. As a reference to the food served at royal banquets, the $deungnok$ can enhance our understanding of royal banquet foods. Seven specimens of $deungnok$ describing royal banquet foods are currently in existence, created during preparations for royal events by the agencies in charge of food, the $Saongwon$ and $Jeonseonsa$. Owing to the nature of their authorship, the details recorded in these $deungnok$ hold great value as important resources for the study of royal banquet cuisine. $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$, which documented an $oejinyeon$ banquet held at the $Junghwajeon$ Pavilion in November 1902, was somewhat disorganized and fragmented. $Jinyeonuigwe$ was more inclusive and well-summarized, since the former were progress reports to the King during banquet preparations that listed various items separately, such as dishes for each table setting and the kinds of flower pieces, and thus did not present a complete picture of all the details as a whole. The latter, on the other hand, were final reports created upon completion of a banquet, and contained more comprehensive records not only of the $chanpum$ (the menu of dishes served), but also the sorts of tableware and tables, floral arrangements, location, scale, and installation date of the $sukseolso$ (temporary royal kitchens for banquets). They also offer a more effective summary by simplifying details duplicated in identical table settings. Nevertheless, the $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$ recorded some facts that cannot be gleaned from the $Jinyeonuigwe$, including the height of some dishes presented in piled stacks, as well as the specific names of dishes and their ingredients. The comparative study of the historic records in the $deungnok$ and $uigwe$ will be helpful in identifying and understanding the specific foods served at royal banquets. The $oejinyeon$-$seolchando$ diagrams in $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$ depict the table settings for the King and the Crown Prince. The two diagrams contain large rectangles divided into three sections. In each section are similar-sized circles in which the names of dishes and the titles for table settings are recorded. From these records we can see that the arrangements of the table settings for the King and the Crown Prince are similar. The relationships and protocols shown in the arrangement of dishes and table settings for the King and the Crown Prince at royal banquets in the $Seolchando$ appear to be consistent. By comparing the two references, $deungnok$ and $uigwe$, which recorded the dishes served at royal banquets, the author was able to determine the height of some foods served in stacked arrangements, the names of $chanpum$, the ingredients used, and the configuration of the $chanpum$. The comparative review of these two written records, $deungnok$ and $uigwe$, will be helpful for a proper understanding of the actual food served at royal banquets.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.30
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• pp.21-52
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• 2009

This study observed what roles and identity the Taoist Hermits have when they appear in Korean Verse, SiJo, which was preoccupied by the illustrious-officials in Choseon Dynasty. This study has found that languages of Taoist Hermit frequently appear in SiJo, through the historical study documents focusing on only the mountain wizards in terma of the genre, SiJo. Of those terms used by Taoist Hermit, most prominent was 'JeokSongJa', which was expressed as that sought by the illustrious-officials-they were using the sentence, 'I will follow JeokSongJa' to the extent that it is an idiom. This suggests that the illustrious officials in ChoSeon Dynasty meant if one was going to be entitled to become a Taoist Hermit, he should seek 'JeokSongJa' first. We can see those illustrious officials were using the words with a ideological tone, affected by then 'JangRyang' or 'BeomRyo' who were devoting themselves to finding 'JeokSongJa' with a belief that they could become a Taoist Hermit and live forever, which had been handed down as a legend or a myth. Meanwhile, Li Po is a profile who can not considered, separately in the history of Korean Literature. Li Po recited poems, as a great poet and a hard drinker, who were incited in SiJo of those illustrious officials as a intimate person. In contrast, among those who were accepted as a negative profile, were a Chinese Emperor JinSi and HanMuje. These two emperors, who were looking for a herb of eternal youth and Mt. BongRae, figures who had lost their positions in the real political circle. In addition, they couldn't make their dreams to get perennial youth and long life come true, which stimulated the illustrious officials of that time to recite those poems indicating there is no ideal Utopia so it's better be satisfied with the reality living up to the realistic idea of Confucianism. In this sense, those two emperors are negative. There are also women Taoist Hermits present in SiJo, including MaGo nymphs, SeoWangMo, MuSanShinNyo, and Hang-A. MaGo nymphs were grandmothers who superintend the longevity, often incited as a beautiful woman; SeoWangMo was a Toast Hermit who had an elixir of life; MuSanShinNyo is a beautiful woman who was representing the attachment of cloud friendship; and Hang-A is expressed as a goddess who betrayed her husband and as a result staying lonely in the moon palace. These women goddesses were characterized by their beautiful appearances, generous and delicate personalities. widely incited in romantic poems.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.142-154
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• 2012

This study aimed at learning the characteristics of place identity of the Buan county hall garden and Sangsosan(上蘇山) by looking over the pattern and content of letter-engraved rocks and nearby facilities and history. Especially, we focused on the meaning and contents of the letters in Sangsosan and a Government Office of Buan engraved on rocks in order to learn what the place means. The results of our study are as follows. Buan-hyun(扶安縣) in the Joseon dynasty period blossomed literary culture of enjoying poetry and melody, and this was faithful realization of the concept of "Rakto(樂土)" of 'Saengubuan(生居扶安).' The grand scale letters written by Si-SooPark(朴蓍壽: 1767~1876), head of the office in the early 19th century, in the cursive style on the basis stone of the garden of Buan county building, which was the site of the office of Buan-hyun in the Joseon dynasty period, such as 'Bongraedongcheon(蓬萊洞天)', 'Jurim(珠林)', and 'Okcheon(玉泉)' mean that "'Bongrae', the another name of Buan', is a place where Taoist hermits would live because the spring water of Seorim flows down to be Okcheon.", showing his pride of living Buan. The regions like Seorimjeong, Geumdae(琴臺), and Hyecheon(惠泉) where letters engraved on rocks are located intensively are closely related with those who communicated with Mae-ChangLee(李梅窓: 1573~1610), the slave of the government, and are local attractions and garden traces where the literary culture and scholar's spirit of Buan are well-harmonized. Most of the letters were written from the 19th century to the early 20th century, showing that 4 for landscapes, 8 for Kyungseck(景色: imaginary scenry), 5 for figures, 15 for poems and 2 for others. The ratio of poems is much higher than that of poems in other regions' letters on rocks, and the keyword of the letters is Haecheon. A piece of the place identity heavily influenced by the Taois thermit ideology is revealed by the expressions of 'Bongraedongcheon', 'Sosansaho(蘇山四皓)' or 'the spring water of Haecheon' that was considered as an elixir of Taoist hermits. Seorim the forest, which had been managed after Yeon-Myeong Cho(趙然明: 1797~?), head of the office, planted trees in the 11th year of the reign of King Heonjong(1845), Seorimjeong in the forest, and rocks with engraved letters on them are proof of literary culture and the garden traces showing the characteristics and aspect of Imcheon(林泉) Garden of the office heavily influenced by the Taoist hermit ideology. Along with Naebyeon-san national park and Kyeokpo region, the center of Buan tourism, we hope that cultural heritages including rocks with engraved letters over Seorim park would become a representative cultural heritage and attraction of Buan.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.60-76
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• 2020

The purpose of this study was to examine the spatial and visual arrangement characteristics of Imsil Yi Ung-jae's old house's spatial and visual aspects in order to discover the value of landscape and traditional house garden. The results of this study are as follows. Dongchon-village in Dundeok-ri, where old house is located, is a typical form of with "Back to the mountain and facing the water(背山臨水)", and is located in the north of the three streams of water, forming a Jeonchaghugwan(前窄後寬). Dongchon Village, which has a traditional scenic spot between Danguidae(丹丘臺) and Samgyeseokmun(三溪石門), is understood to be the main street of Nojeokbong Peak and Gyegwanbong Peak, which is Ansan(案山), where the "A centipede flying in the sky(飛天蜈蚣形)". Yi Ung-jae's old house is the oldest existing high-priced house in the North Jeolla region and the closing price of a royal family of the Joseon Dynasty, which was arranged by Chunseongjeong(春城正), Yi Dam-son(李聃孫) in the mid-16C. The Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 and Japanese colonial era, the loyalty of the gate quarters, the filial piety of the gate quarters, and the faithfulness of the tablet(扁額) and Juryeons(柱聯) are enough to contribute to the rise of the value of a physical house. The men's quarters(Sarangchae), which are placed on a high-pocket or a layout without going against the sloping terrain, have the effect of making the distance as far as possible, enhancing its dignity and hierarchy as a royal building. In addition, the entrance to the main quarters(Anchae) through the four pillar gates(四柱門), the extensive support and the appropriation of the Chaewon(vegetable garden), and the official base for the Anchae are very unique compared to the general nobility. However, in the context of the postwar relationship, the shrine seeks to realize Confucian ideals while harmonizing with nature by arranging wide sponsorships around it. On the other hand, it is confirmed that there was a pond in the form of a circle in a square(方池圓島型) with a relatively large area, which is now disturbed and damaged. Written by the high priced planting species are sponsored pine trees, hackberry, persimmon trees, Japanese apricot flower, Ohmomiji, and plum tree in the side garden, as well as cotyledon trees in the outside garden. However, although flower bed(花階), which is built on the stone axis, is a place that clearly shows the expensive garden, it seems to have lost the texture of the plant due to the extremely high variety of species and the splendor that does not match the plant landscape of the flower world. Yi Ung-jae's old house is highly valuable as it is a portrait house of a prince of the blood in the mid-Joseon Dynasty. Based on these findings, this study proposed a plan to improve the management of high prices that could be met.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.293-300
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• 2008

It determines Chinese addiction to piquancy that the Chinese traditional food production laid excessively particular stress on agriculture coming into being long before in the history and the state of Chinese food living was that the people were very difficult to live. The history of Chinese addiction to piquancy could be traced back to prehistory. And in Chinese “hot” is separated from “peppery” and it refers in particular to the piquancy more than general peppery. The character of “Hot” appeared after Han Dynasty in Chinese. Capsicum was brought to China from the sea in the middle of Ming Dynasty. Then it surpassed the formers soon and became the most popular and addictive piquancy food in China. Capsicum has many names in China, such as “$F{\bar{a}}nji{\bar{a}}o$”, “$H{\bar{a}}iji{\bar{a}}o$”, “$L{\grave{a}}ji{\check{a}}o$”, “$L{\grave{a}}h{\breve{u}}$”, “$L{\grave{a}}zi$”, etc., and they indicate the geographical and humanistic character of the distribution. (eight books on preserving one’s health) is the earliest history record about capsicum in existent Chinese history record that was finished in 1591. In this article the author puts new opinion forward on the record in this book. It is because the hottest piquancy of capsicum, capsicum’s better adaptability and low cost to plant combine with Chinese piquancy addiction at large that capsicum can replace the status of pepper and other traditional peppery flavorings soon and cause worldwide attention to the Chinese piquancy addiction finally. The human common characters of unchangeable inertia, depending to fully grow addiction and aggrieved delight are the most important reasons to cause piquancy addiction that has formed a custom through long-repeated practice and this custom do not change with condition change. The unbalanced spread process of capsicum in China shows that the region is poorer and the addictive degree is deeper.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.50-87
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• 2013

C. G. Jung believed that universal and basic condition of human's Unconscious comes out from Märchen or mythology. We can easily experience these universality of human nature in dreams. Therefore, It is very important to interpret mythogens that appear in myths and märchen in analytical psychology to understand these 'big dreams' which could be seen in clinical practice. As I was interested in interpreting myths in analytic psychology, I tried to find universality of archetypes in Korea's traditional folk tales and took note of the birth myth of Hyeokgeose, the founder of Shilla dynasty, while examining the chater of the Unsual in history in the Heritage of the Three Kingdoms. Shilla was founded earlier than two other countries, but it was located in the very south of the Korean Peninsula, and it was behind times in politically, militarily, and culturally compare to Goguryeo and Baekje. However, Shilla achieved unifying the Three Kingdoms and it lasted 1000 years, the longest unified history in Korean history. I tried to examine archetypes in the birth myth if there are any backgrounds that are related to finding a Shilla Kingdom. It is noted that myth of the founder of Korean Peninsula's small Kingdom Shilla has complete story from before the birth to birth, birth of spouse, growth, marriage, accession, governing, death, after death, and succession. Symbols such as numbers 1, 3, 5, 6, 7, 13 and 61, various azimuthes including north, west, south, east, and central, animals like tiger, white horse, hen, dragon, phoenix, and snakes, natures like main symbol egg, rock, gourd, lightening, spring water, stream, tree, forest, mountain, iron and goddess-image like seon-do Holy Mother gradually appears in the myth. These symbols could show a meaning of human experience such as birth of Conscious, growth and development of paternal and maternal love, and story of regeneration and extinction. Moreover, It could be seen as these progress eternally continues in next generation. I have found out that a word, a sentence or stories that looks meaningless in myth revealed its true symbolical meaning. In addition, interaction between Unconscious and Conscious repeats in different forms, and expressed in layered.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.4
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• pp.1-14
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• 2022

The ancient North-East Asian royal garden is divided into three types, located in the north inside the palace, in the north outside the palace, and in the south inside or outside the palace, depending on the location relationship between the royal capital and the royal palace. The first is a typical royal garden that follows the ancient Chinese court system of the Chao-hu-chim(前朝後寢). The second is a royal garden located independently of the royal palace, which extends to Geumwon(禁苑). The third is located in the south of royal palace and is the royal garden specialized in Yurak(遊樂) or Hyangyeon(饗宴). The types of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens are classified according to the relationship between main palace(正宮) and secondary palace(別宮), detached palace(離宮), and Geumwon(禁苑), and each has unique characteristics. The first has been established as the garden of the main palace, including the royal garden at Wanggung-ri site in Iksan(益山 王宮里 遺蹟), Han Chang'an capital(漢 長安城), BeiWei Luoyang capital(北魏 洛陽城), Jiankang capital in Southern Dynasties(南朝 建康城), and Daminggong(大明宮) in Tang Dynasty. Here, the royal garden is divided into Naewon(內苑) inside the royal palace and Geumwon(禁苑), outside the royal palace. On the other hand, the second is the royal garden that the royal palace and Geumwon(禁苑) are united. The third is the royal garden that forms part of the royal palace or is independent of the royal palace, and has been specialized as a secondary palace(別宮) and detached palace(離宮). China created the model of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens, and based on this, Baekje, Silla, and Japan of Korea influenced each other and developed a unique palace by showing their originality. The royal garden at Wanggung-ri site in Iksan(益山 王宮里 遺蹟) was influenced by royal gardens of Wei-Jin and Northern & Southern Dynasties(魏晉南北朝). And royal gardens of the Sabi Capital(泗沘都城) were influenced by royal gardens of Jin(秦), Han(漢), Sui(隋), and Tang(唐), and royal gardens of Silla(新羅) were influenced by the royal gardens of Baekje(百濟) and Silla. However, each of these royal gardens also has its own unique characteristics. From this aspect, it can be seen that the ancient North-East Asian court had different lineages depending on the region. Anhakgung Palace in Pyongyang(平壤 安鶴宮) is more likely to be viewed as the Three Kingdoms period than the Goryeo Dynasty. However, it is difficult to raise it to the 5th and 6th centuries due to the overlapping relationship and relics of the lower part of Anhakgung Palace(安鶴宮), and it is generally presumed to be the middle of the 7th century. The royal garden at Anhakgung Palace is a secondary palace(別宮) or detached palace(離宮) that corresponds to the palace of Jang-an capital(長安城) in Pyongyang and is believed to have influenced Dongwon garden(東院庭園) of Heijokyu(平城宮) and Donggung(東宮) and Wolji(月池) in Gyeongju. From this point of view, Dongwon garden(東院庭園) of Heijokyu(平城宮) seems to be related to the palaces of Goguryeo, Baekje, and Silla. This study has many limitations as it focuses on its characteristics and transitions due to the location of the palace in the large framework of ancient North-East Asian royal capital. If these limitations are resolved little by little, it is expected that the understanding of ancient North-East Asian royal gardens will be much wider.