• Title/Summary/Keyword: Goryeo Buddhism

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The Critic on Mohism in the History of Korean Thoughts Centered on the Theory of Rejecting Heterodoxy (한국사상사에서의 묵가(墨家) 비판 - 벽리단론(闢異端論)의 전개 양상을 중심으로 -)

  • Yun, Muhak
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.29
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    • pp.89-123
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    • 2010
  • As above, as theoretical basis of critiques against School of Mohism, the researcher summarized the positions of the elder Confucian scholars including Meng Zi. In the body of text, taking it as promises, the researcher examined the critiques against Mo Tzu and School of Mohism as well focusing on the aspects and development of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy which had been introduced and strongly argued from the end of Goryeo kingdom to the late Joseon period. The summary of the body of this text is as follows: In the old literatures prior to Goryeo Kingdom, the researcher couldn't find any cases that either the School of Mohism or Mo Tzu including the Hundred Schools of Thought had been rejected explicitly. Having reached the end of Goryeo and the beginning of Joseon period, Meng Zi's viewpoints on the theory of rejecting heterodoxy had begun to emerge and come into play with the progress of accepting Neo-Confucianism, and, these critiques against Yang Zhu and Mo Tzu being given, the scholar-literati circle had started rejecting Buddhism and Lao Tzu. Basically the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism in the early period of Joseon were in succession to Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy and the views and thoughts of the elder Confucian scholars including Han Yu rather than any specific critiques against Mo Tzu' ideology itself. Until entering the middle of Joseon period, the critiques against the School of Mohism had been used as a tool to promote Confucianism in an affirmative manner, while arguing strongly against the viewpoint of Han Yu in the first place. Particularly, not only the original text of the Mo Tzu's writings were directly quoted, although it was partial, but also the contents of the critiques against the School of Mohism had been developed and stretched to the extent of their entire ideological system. Having approached to the late period of Joseon, the critiques against the School of Mohism had begun to be linked to those critiques against the study of state examination or of sentence patterns including Catholic Church, furthermore the critics raised their harsh tones against the irregularities of the society at large like the issue of corruptions of the government officials of those days instead, although they still had firmly stood on the ground of the theory of rejecting heterodoxy. Those scholars that belonged to the School of Practical Learning, in particular, said in justification of the School of Mohism arguing that the major ideologies of Mo Zi had usefulness in the real world, also they even evaluated that Meng Zi ' critiques against the School of Mohism were immoderate. To sum up, characteristics of scholars in the Joseon period to understand and critique the School of Mohism are that ideologies of Mo Tzu were mostly used as a tool for the sake of critiques against heresies in other sectors of society based mainly on Meng Zi's theory of rejecting heterodoxy, rather than opposing views against the ideologies or philosophies of the School of Mohism itself. Meanwhile, however, on the plus side, the critics praised Mo Tzu's individual efforts in order to put his ideology of peace into practice apart from the ideological system of the School of Mohism. Also, having reached the late period of Joseon, the researcher was able to have discovered the fact that the writings of Mo Tzu had been used as historical materials in order to ascertain historical truths of Confucian Scriptures, rather not having it regarded as an ideology text.

A Study on the Publication of Liudao Pushuo, One of Mengshan De-yi's Works (몽산(蒙山) 덕이(德異)의 『몽산화상육도보설(蒙山和尙六道普說)』 판본고(板本考))

  • Song, Il-Gie;Kim, Eun-Jin
    • Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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    • v.45 no.3
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    • pp.207-233
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    • 2011
  • This thesis is a study of the printed books of Liudao Pushuo(六道普說), one of Mengshan(蒙山)'s works. Mengshan De-yi(德異) lived in the Song(宋) and Yuan(元) Dynasty and was a Buddhist monk of Linji Chan(臨濟宗). Liudao Pushuo exists only in Korea, and there is no copy in China. Liudao Pushuo is a summary of the preachings of Mengshan about the Ten dharma-worlds(十法界) which include the six realms(六道) and the four kinds of holy men(四聖). There are 22 printed books in Korea. This study analyzed their physical descriptions and structures. As a result, all the printed books have 'sajudanbyoun(四周單邊)' except one book that is 'julchopjang(折帖裝)' of 'Bulgapsa(佛甲寺)'. There are also ten books with 'Heukku(黑口) and naehyang heukumi(內向黑魚尾)'. This indicates that those were typical of the printing type of the early days of the Joseon(朝鮮) Dynasty. In addition, the books with 13 characters in one line(13字本) were common. All 22 printed books were published in the $15^{th}$ and 16th century. This study confirms that Liudao Pushuo was handed down in the Goryeo(高麗) from China and actively published in the 15th and 16th century. This shows that Mengshan's Seon(禪) had a significant effect on Buddhism in Korea.

A Study on the Traditional Planting Prototype of Haengdan(杏壇) and Natural Monumental Value of Ginkgo Tree in Sejong-ri (전통재식 행단(杏壇)의 원형과 세종리 은행나무의 천연기념물적 가치 연구)

  • Shin, Hyun-Sil;Choi, Byoung-Ki
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.1
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    • pp.36-44
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    • 2020
  • This study analyzed the Planting Prototype of Haengdan(杏壇)is the One of the traditional planting techniques and the value of natural monument plant and derived the value of the ginkgo tree in Sejong-ri as a natural monument. The results are as follows; First, ginkgo trees have high environmental adaptability, practicality and visual value. There were also many ginkgo trees that were deeply related to Confucian and Buddhist ideas. Ginkgo trees accounted for the largest portion of the number of old tree designated as natural monuments in recognition of their value. Second, after analyzing the historical and cultural values of ginkgo trees, ginkgo trees became the place of gardens and buildings by symbolizing Confucius(孔子)' Confucian ideas. In Buddhism, it was related to the creation of temples or the achievements of ancient monks. The people had a symbol of the prosperity of their offspring and the succession of the family. Third, in 1024 gongdobo, the grandson of Confucius, rebuilt the shrine, installed the platform in the central position and planted ginkgo trees. It originated from what he called "the "haengdan(杏壇)." The tree was then recorded as "heungheang(紅杏)" which was written by Wang Jae-jin's poetry during the Ming Dynasty. Thus it was misused as apricot tree. The cause of this is due to the same kanji reading. or it can be seen as influence on the taoism. But Korea has been sticking to the use of the first ginkgo trees. Forth, biologically, the Sejong-ri ginkgo tree is characterized by the composition of a pair of male trees. The landscape is contrasted with the twisted male tree and vertical female trees. In addition, in terms of authenticity and integrity, the relationship between Admiral Im, Nan-Su(林蘭秀) of the Goryeo Dynasty and the ginkgo tree is found in various literature.

A Starting Point of Formation and Development of Baekje-style Stone Stupa (백제양식석탑의 형성과 전개의 시발점(始發點))

  • Jun, Ji Hye
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.42 no.4
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    • pp.172-197
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    • 2009
  • The stone stupas of the Mireuk Temple Site and Jeongnim Temple Site were the beginning of Korean stone stupa and the unique ones stemming from the Baeje period. Therefore, the work of investigating the characteristics of these two stone stupas would give us a basis for understanding Korean stone stupas in a large scale and Baekje-style stone stupas in a narrow sense. As shown in some records, the excellent architectural skills of Baekje could be known by the fact that Abiji was invited to the building of Hwangryong Wooden stupa, one of the national undertakings of Shilla and the skills and styles related to stone stupas were thought to be disseminated in this process. However, it has not been very convincing that the stone stupas with Baekje styles were disconnected in an instant with the unification of Shilla, in terms that culture and art would inherited and developed. The current academic circle set a frame and defined all these types of stone stupas as Baekje-system stone stupas built in Goryeo period and put them in a uniformly chronological order. The popularization of Buddhism, support of regionally powerful clans and cultural revival were suggested as the factors of their appearance, but it seemed difficult to be assured that these led Baeje-style stone stupas to reappear in a moment by breaking the gap of about 300 years. Of course, it has not been active in Gyeongju area, but they have greatly influenced the stone stupas of Shilla; therefore, it would be possible to consider that they were developed but limited to certain areas. This study focused on the starting point of such development and investigated the formation of Baeje-style stone stupas through the stone stupas of the Mireuk Temple Site and Jeongnim Temple Site and their subsequent development through Wanggung-ri Stone Stupa.

A Study on the 3D Reconstruction and Historical Evidence of Recumbent Buddha Based on Fusion of UAS, CRP and Terrestrial LiDAR (UAS, CRP 및 지상 LiDAR 융합기반 와형석조여래불의 3차원 재현과 고증 연구)

  • Oh, Seong-Jong;Lee, Yong-Chang
    • Journal of Cadastre & Land InformatiX
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    • v.51 no.1
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    • pp.111-124
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    • 2021
  • Recently, Interest in the restoration and 3D reconstruction of cultural properties due to the fire of Notre Dame Cathedral on April 15, 2019 has been focused once again after the 2008 Sungnyemun fire incident in South Korea. In particular, research to restore and reconstruct the actual measurement of cultural properties using LiDAR(Light Detection and ranging) and conventional surveying, which were previously used, using various 3D reconstruction technologies, is being actively conducted. This study acquires data using unmanned aerial imagery of UAV(Unmanned Aerial Vehicle), which has recently established itself as a core technology in the era of the 4th industrial revolution, and the existing CRP(Closed Range Photogrammetry) and terrestrial LiDAR scanning for the Recumbent Buddha of Unju Temple. Then, the 3D reconstruction was performed with three fusion models based on SfM(Structure-from-Motion), and the reproducibility and accuracy of the models were compared and analyzed. In addition, using the best fusion model among the three models, the relationship with the Polar Star(Polaris) was confirmed based on the real world coordinates of the Recumbent Buddha, which contains the astronomical history of Buddhism in the early 11th century Goryeo Dynasty. Through this study, not only the simple external 3D reconstruction of cultural properties, but also the method of reconstructing the historical evidence according to the type and shape of the cultural properties was sought by confirming the historical evidence of the cultural properties in terms of spatial information.

About a Wind-chime excavated from WolnamSaji(月南寺址) in GangJin (강진 월남사지(月南寺址) 출토 금동풍탁(金銅風鐸)에 대하여)

  • Sung, Yun-Gil
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.50 no.1
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    • pp.18-41
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    • 2017
  • The Gangjin WolnamSaji(月南寺址) is a small site where three-story pagodas and a destroyed tombstone remained. In 1973, it was discovered that the destroyed tombstone was that of the second master of Susunsa, Hye shim(慧諶), who had a special relationship with the military regime in Goryeo, and it once again attracted attention as a result of the recent excavation of the Rooftile of Yeonhwamun(蓮花文). In particular, the Windchime excavated in 2012 is a large-sized one group with a length of 23cm, and a relatively large Sanskrit character was decorated on four sides of the body. In addition, it was also confirmed in preservation process that the word 'gaecheon(盖天)' was engraved. The Sanskrit characters(梵字) om( , oṃ), a( , a), hum( , hūṃ), brum( , bhrūṃ) were decorated on the body of the Wind-chime excavated in WolnamSaji. Om( , oṃ), a( , a), hum( , hūṃ) are known as the Sammiljineon(三密眞言) and brum( , bhrūṃ) has the meaning of having the highest honor. In addition, the Sammiljineon(三密眞言) allows us to understand the truth by responding to the principle of universe, which is the Vairocana Buddha(毘盧遮那佛), and brum( , bhrūṃ) has the meaning of unity. In the end, the meaning of the Sanskrit decorating the four sides of the Wind-chime, of WolnamSaji(月南寺址), can be interpreted as the expression of the Buddha's doctrine, or the willingness to be combined with Buddha, the highest existence in itself. It is possible that the word 'gaecheon(盖天)' carved on the body can be regarded as the name of the master craftsman related to the making of the Wind-chime, but it is unlikely that it is the name of the master craftsman, considering that it is a place where the location is not easily seen. If so, you can think of the original function that the Wind-chime has. In other words, it can be interpreted symbolically and implicitly that the wish of the sound of the airwaves symbolized by the words of the Buddha covers the sky and spreads all over the place. It is thought that the Wind-chime excavated in WolnamSaji(月南寺址) was made in the mid to late 13th century considering the comparisons with another wind-chime excavated from the temple site, the historical situation in the late Goryeo, the publication date of the scriptures(經典) of Esoteric Buddhism(密敎).

Meaning of Plantain(Musa basjoo) Planting and Design Use through Classic Poetry and Prose (고전 시문을 통해 본 파초(Musa basjoo)의 식재 의미와 설계용도(Design Use))

  • Hong, Hyoung-Soon
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.29 no.2
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    • pp.52-62
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    • 2011
  • By studying the classic poetry and prose with a theme of Plantain, I would like to study why Plantain has been planted in our traditional garden for a long time. Also, through this study, I want to find when Plantain was introduced to in our country. We use description study method for studying the classic poetry and prose with a theme of Plantain. As a result, we found a few things like below. First, the introduction of Plantain to our country traces back to unified Silla in the poetry of Choe Chi Won. Also, Plantain was planted and loved generally as a general garden plant in the middle of Goryeo through poetry and paintings. Second, the meaning of Plantain is like this. 1) It means development and enjoyment of arts of summer because the leaves of Plantain were used for drinking alcohol and writing and poetry instead of papers. 2) In Buddhism, Plantain was thought to awaken 'gong(空)', 'mua(無我)', and 'brevity' of lesson of Buddha by the special shape and the image of falling rain to the leaves. Also, it was used widely in Buddhist temples because of the story of 'Hye ga dan bi(慧可斷臂)'. 3) In Confucianism, it is the emblem of lesson 'a wise man tries to be strong and tries not to stop following to God'(自强不息). 4) The large leaf of Plantain is called 'bongmi(鳳尾)' thanks to the image of likeness with tails of Bongwhang(鳳凰). Third, design use of Plantain is like this. 1) The large leaf of Plantain was used for giving an image of freshness and brightness in the garden in summer. 2) Our ancestor thought 'the sound of falling rain to Plantain'(芭蕉雨聲) as a picturesque sound in summer. Also, Plantain was highly utilized because our ancestor thought Plantain is the best plant for implementing 'soundscape'. Thus, the most characteristic use of several design uses is 'acoustic use'. 3) Plantain was also planted in a indoor pot for viewing. 4) Plantain was used for making food and medicine in the palace and private house as a practical use. The limit of this study is that I mainly use the text translated into Korean of database of overall Korean classics. We hope the new things related to this study would be added up to this study by translating original texts into Korean more.

An Inquiry into the Iron Seated Buddha Excavated from Pocheon in the National Museum of Korea (국립중앙박물관 소장 포천 출토 철조여래좌상에 대한 소고)

  • Kang, Kunwoo
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.209-223
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    • 2019
  • The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.

Collision of New and Old Control Ideologies, Witnessed through the Moving of Jeong-regun (Tomb of Queen Sindeok) and Repair of Gwangtong-gyo (정릉(貞陵) 이장과 광통교(廣通橋) 개수를 통해 본 조선 초기 지배 이데올로기의 대립)

  • Nam, Hohyun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.53 no.4
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    • pp.234-249
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    • 2020
  • The dispute involving the construction of the Tomb of Queen Sindeok (hereinafter "Jeongreung"), King Taejo's wife in Seoul, and the moving of that tomb, represents the most clearly demonstrated case for the collision of new and old ideologies between political powers in the early period of Joseon. Jeongreung, the tomb of Queen Sindeok from the Kang Clan, was built inside the capital fortress, but in 1409, King Taejong forced the tomb to be moved outside the capital, and the stone relics remaining at the original location were used to build the stone bridge, Gwangtong-gyo. In an unofficial story, King Taejong moved the tomb outside the capital and used the stone items there to make the Cheonggyecheon Gwang-gyo so that the people would step upon the area in order to curse Lady Kang. In the final year of King Taejo, Lady Kang and King Taejong were in a politically conflictual relationship, but they were close to being political partners until King Taejo became the king. Sillok records pertaining to the establishment of Jeongreung or Gwangtong-gyo in fact state things more plainly, indicating that the moving of Jeongreung was a result of following the sangeon (a written statement to the king) of Uijeongbu (the highest administrative agency in Joseon), which stated that having the tomb of a king or queen in the capital was inappropriate, and since it was close to the official quarter of envoys, it had to be moved. The assertion that it was aimed at degrading Jeongreung in order to repair Gwangtong-gyo thus does not reflect the factual relationship. This article presents the possibility that the use of stone items from Jeongreung to repair Gwangtong-gyo reflected an emerging need for efficient material procurement that accompanied a drastic increase in demand for materials required in civil works both in- and outside the capital. The cause for constructing Jeongreung within the capital and the cause of moving the tomb outside the capital would therefore be attributable to the heterogeneity of the ideological backgrounds of King Taejo and King Taejong. King Taejo was the ruler of the Confucius state, as he reigned through the Yeokseong Revolution, but he constructed the tomb and Hongcheon-sa, the temple in the capital for his wife Queen Sindeok. In this respect, it is considered that, with the power of Buddhism, there was an attempt to rally supporters and gather the force needed to establish the authority of Queen Sindeok. Yi Seong-gye, who was raised in the Dorugachi clan of Yuan, lived as a military man in the border area, and so he would not have had a high level of understanding in Confucian scholarship. Rather, he was a man of the old system with its 'Buddhist" tendency. On the other hand, King Taejong Yi Bang-won was an elite Confucian student who passed the national examination at the end of the Goryeo era, and he is also known to have held a profound understanding of Neo-Confucianism. To state it differently, it would be reasonable to say that the understanding of symbolic implications for the capital would be more profound in a Confucian state. Since the national system that was ruled by laws had been established following the Three-Kingdom era, the principle of burial outside of the capital that would have seen a grave constructed on the outskirts of the capital was not upheld, without exception. Jeongreung was built inside the capital due to the strong individual desire of King Taejo, but since he was a Confucian scholar prior to becoming king, it would not have been accepted as desirable. After taking the throne, King Taejong took the initiative to begin overhauling the capital in order to reflect his intent to clearly realize Confucian ideology emphasizing 'Yechi' ("ruling with good manners") with the scenic view of the Capital's Hanyang river. It would be reasonable to conclude accordingly that the moving of Jeongreung was undertaken in the context of such a historic background.

King Sejo's Establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple and Its Semantics (세조의 원각사13층석탑 건립과 그 의미체계)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.101
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    • pp.12-46
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    • 2022
  • Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.