• Asia-pacific Journal of Multimedia Services Convergent with Art, Humanities, and Sociology
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• v.8 no.10
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• pp.471-479
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• 2018

This paper on the socioeconomic role of One Dollar Campaign project initiated by Rwanda Diaspora in the reconstruction of the country after 1994 genocide against Tutsi tends to show how Rwanda Diaspora contributes to the socioeconomic development of their home country. The 1994 genocide against Tutsi in Rwanda has destroyed the country and the Rwandan society; and rebuilding the trust, unity, hope and socioeconomic status of genocide survivors in particular and of all Rwandans in general had to engage all Rwandans wherever they were. The focus of this paper is to assess the change on socioeconomic status of the beneficiaries of the one dollar campaign project initiated by Rwanda Diaspora which aimed to help genocide survivor orphans to have a shelter. The results showed that the amount of money contributed by Rwanda Diaspora for this project is of paramount importance as it exerts a positive impact on genocide orphan survivors' daily life, change of their socioeconomic status and to the country's development in general.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.34
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• pp.147-172
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• 2014

The Guatemalan government and guerrilla forces(the Unidad Revolucionaria Nacional Guatemalteco, URNG) signed peace accord in 1996, and ended civil conflict(1960-1996). The bloodiest governments of the 36-year-lond armed conflict were those of Lucas Garc?a, R?os Montt and Mej?a V?ctores, between 1978 and 1983. The war that Guatemala underwent resulted in more than 200,000 casualties, more than 83% of them Mayan, according to the report of the CEH(Comision para de Esclarecimiento Historico). 'Victoria 82' and 'Opreation Sof?a' were the strategy of military dictatorship to destory indigenous Mayan communities. This paper is to demonstrates that the Guatemalan state perpetrated a genocide against the indigenous population using racism to strengthening modern nation-state and this was because, historically and structurally, it possessed, in its intrinsic naturem the repressive, ideological and legal apparatus. To distinguish Maya from ladino is often linked to cultural and social discrimination and a system of racial ranking. Militaty dictatorship used the system of racial ranking to exterminate indigenous populations.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.85-92
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• 2006

It seems extremely incongruous that genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes could ever be justified or excused by 'defensive force'- self-defence, defence of others and defence of property. Nonetheless, art 31(1)(c) of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court codifies defensive force as a ground for excluding criminal responsibility. This provision was controversial and extremely difficult to negotiate at the Rome Conference of 1998, largely due to the conceptual differences that exist in respect of criminal defences between the various domestic legal systems of the world. This paper analyses the drafting history and wording of art 31(1)(c) in order to clarify the precise scope of defensive force under the Rome Statute. It then seeks to ascertain the applicability of the provision to genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes, and to thereby explore the nature of these crimes and the intended prosecutorial strategy of the International Criminal Court.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.7-47
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• 2020

This article is a sub-section of a comparative analysis of depictions of violence in Jakarta's Museum of the Indonesian Communist Party's Treachery, Ho Chi Minh City's War Remnants Museum, and Phnom Penh's Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum. In comparing these public history sites, I analyze how memories of mass violence were central to state formation in both Suharto's anti-Communist New Order (1966-1998), the Socialist Republic of Vietnam (1976-present), and Cambodia since the collapse of Democratic Kampuchea (1979-present). While this comparison points out specific distinctions about the role of the military, the nature of revolution, and conceptions of gender, it argues for a central similarity in the use of a mythology of victimization in building these post-conflict nation-states. This article focuses on my gendered analysis of the use of images of women and children in each museum. Depending on context and political purpose, these museums cast women as tragic victim, revolutionary heroine, or threat to the social order. My analysis of gender places stereotypical images of violence against women (the trope of women and children as the ultimate victims) in conversation with dark fantasies of women as perpetrators of savage violence and heroic images of women liberated by participation in violence.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.79-103
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• 2015

Just how does one make sense of the genocide perpetrated by the Khmer Rouge during its rule in the 70's and the numerous human rights violations in the Philippines during the Marcos period? Like the conflicts that have marked human history at the close of the 20th century, Southeast Asia is no exception, similar to the many attempts to come to terms with the past and put to account wrongdoers worldwide. The paper is an attempt to historicize these two seemingly unrelated events and analyze them from the synoptic frameworks of transitional justice and reparations. Similar to the experiences faced by many societies transitioning towards democratic rule, notably in Latin America, the dilemma of whether to pursue justice or preserve the peace and the newfound status quo has characterized the length at which justice had eluded the victims in Cambodia and the Philippines. Yet, no matter what the limits are in pursuing accountability, or these so called historical injustices, closure is still achievable. The paper would like to argue that closure is possible when one, all or a combination of the following, depending on the gravity of the crime, is present-truth-telling, prosecution for the crimes committed, and a grant of compensation.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.2 no.2
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• pp.143-161
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• 2002

This essay explores the theories of Italian poet and filmmaker Pier Paolo Pasolini on the language of cinema. In essays such as "The Cinema of Poetry" and "The Written Language of Reality" composed during the 1960s, Pasolini argues for the special status of film language as "pre-grammatical" and links it to visual signifying processes such as dreams and memories. He also views cinema as the inroads towards a general semiotics of reality since, for him, the basic unit of film language is not the shot but those objects of reality that constitute the mise-en-scene of the shot, hence cinema is posited as the written language of reality whose minimal units of articulation are the very objects of reality itself. Accused by semioticians such as Umberto Eco of semiotic ingenuousness in trying to reduce the facts of culture to nature, Pasolini responded by arguing that he was trying to do the opposite, that is to say, to culturalize nature by examining it as a language. Against the constructed naturalism of both commercial and neorealist films, Pasolini argued for the creation of a poetic cinema able to exploit its constitutional pre grammatical, oneiric and sacred relationship with the world. The essay concludes with an analysis of the film Medea in which Pasolini′s attempt to restore a sacred vision of reality merges with his concerns over the cultural genocide of traditional and emarginated peoples at the hands of neocapitalist homologation.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.15
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• pp.40-66
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• 2002

The purpose of this paper is to investigate the legal controㅣ, by using the International Criminal Court(ICC) that will enter into force to the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole, and regulates the jurisdiction with respect to the following crimes: (a) The crime of genocide; (b) Crimes against humanity; (c) War crimes; Cd) The crime of aggression. However, the existing ICC Statute excludes (e) Crimes, established under or pursuant to the treaty, which was regulated by the ICC draft statute that the International Law Commission(ILC) examined and submitted to the UN General Assembly in 1994, and which contained aircraft terrorism such as hijacking in the Hague Convention of 1970 or sabotage in the Montreal Convention of 1971 in Annex of ILC draft. Therefore, this paper examines the legal character of aircraft terrorism as one of the most serious crimes of concern to the international community as a whole, and suggests two kinds of legislative comments for the amendment of the ICC Statute including aircraft terrorism as an object of the jurisdiction of the Court, for suppressing aircraft terrorism in advance and ensuring equitable penalty by ICC system.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.24 no.3
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• pp.7-16
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• 2015

It is not easy to clarify the historical perspective of architect through his architecture. Exceptional cases, it will be the time to design a history museum. As an institution, a Museum already became an apparatus to represent the history to it itself. Libeskind's Jewish museum Berlin has been presented as the controversial case most of all. In particular, in that it instead of dealing with history positive, that contains a tragic history, this building is a building that history a unique interpretation of the architect has been a problem. Therefore, it is difficult to find a suitable example to Libeskind's Jewish museum in Berlin to try and look at the problem of the history of contemporary history and interpretation of the architect. In this paper, I am trying to interpret Libeskind's Jewish Museum Berlin through the aesthetics and history philosophy of Theodor Adorno and Walter Benjamin. They are Jewish and the central figures of the Frankfurt School, known as 'critical theorists'. Their critical theory was formed based on the experience of the Jewish genocide and war.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.17 no.7
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• pp.299-309
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• 2019

The purpose of this study was to look at the relationship between perpetrators and victims in Joshua Oppenheimer's Act of Killing. The theoretical tools used for this purpose were to study $Ren{\acute{e}}$ Girard's "Mimetic desire" and Hannah Arrent's "banality of evil" and to look at $Ren{\acute{e}}$ Girard's theory of "Le Bouc emissaire". The meaning of the study used the reproducible narrative of the film to challenge the reproducibility of past genocide and seek the combination of documentary and fiction as a way to show the truth. Also, the reconciliation between the assailant and the victim is meaningful in securing 'neutrality of fairness'.but they are still lacking, and more in-depth studies will need to be conducted in future further studies.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.17
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• pp.337-360
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• 2008

Since the Cold war, many countries in the world have reduced the number of their military personnel. However, it is also factual that regional conflicts have been incessantly occurring around the world. In turn, specific governmental policies are also needed in certain countries. Recently, a resolution growingly accepted in the advanced countries is the outsourcing of the resources and services of private military companies, which benefits for governments to manage their military force efficaciously. The utilization of private military force, however, may potentially generate ethical and practical issues because of the non-specified international codes to regulate private military companies, the political misuse of private personnel without concerning the loss of public military employees in danger zones, the safety of private personnel in the field, and the possibility of genocide. Prior to accept a private military companies which may be adequate in the environment of the Korean military, it is necessary to review previous cases of foreign countries. In addition, it is also needed to determine the plausible boundaries of the operation of private military companies with taking into consideration of the situations of the Korean military and private business. Finally, the systemic governmental support is requested in order to foster the business of private military.