• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.27
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• pp.1-34
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• 2016

This paper aims to understand how Daesoonjinrihoe perceives the Later World. Daesoonjinrihoe supports to establish an earthly paradise through the re-creation of the real world unlike other religions which tend to relegate ultimate fulfillment to the afterlife. In other words, Daesoonjinrihoe endeavors to achieve their objectives in the human world rather than outside of it in a potential act of escapism. The new religions in Korea have been characterized by ethnocentrism and doctrines which present Koreans as the new chosen people by emphasizing Korea's crucial role in world leadership. However, the doctrine of Daesoonjinrihoe differ with other new religions of Korea in this regard as its purpose is to redeem the whole world. Daesoonjinrihoe proposes an open embrace of the religious diversity found in Korean society. Daesoonjinrihoe argues that the Later World has not come yet, even though the Former World is over and progress towards the Later World has already been set in motion. The meaning of human nobility is akin to anthropocentricity. According to a variety of myths and legends, animals and supernatural often attempt to become human. Moreover, it would not be an overstatement to assert that the re-creation of the real world and the Daesoon concept of human nobility correspond with these myths and legends. There were not definite interpretations regarding heaven in Confucianism historically, yet Daesoonjinrihoe differentiates clearly that heaven and Sangje are cosmic structures. Buddhism perceives that heaven separately exists as a cosmic structure and that Buddha is a transcendental entity, however; that entity is not accessible for intercession. On the contrary, the ways to save the world have been adduced in Daesoonjinrihoe. In addition, the earthly paradise of the Later World has likewise been introduced. Specifically, it is Sangje that opens the door to that paradise. Unresolved issues in the formation of a world view still persist. There are no shortage of studies on the notion of gods or divine beings, however; most of these studies focus on genealogical classification, forms, functions and other such topics. The concept of god, ghost, or soul does not seem to have been clearly defined in these studies nor has the relationship among these entities and humanity been satisfactorily examined. For example, if human beings become either gods or divine beings, questions regarding divine beings who have acted as protectors or guardians of human beings then arises. The Daesoon cosmology should be specifically compared to cosmology in Daoism. By conducting additional studies such as a comparative research with Daoism, it will be possible to interpret mantras and Daoist art as they appear in Daesoonjinrihoe in a thought-provoking way which can in turn be compared with other religions.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.42
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• pp.45-73
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• 2022

The phenomenon of veneration for Queen Mother of the West [西王母 Chn: Xiwangmu Kr: Seowangmo] is a 'cultural flow' that has garnered great interest not only in China but also in Korea for many years. To properly understand the cultural trend regarding the Queen Mother of the West, it is essential to view the related mythology as it corresponds to East Asian women as well as the transformation of society's view of women. In addition to the outcomes that result from the establishment of a patriarchal society, the relationship between goddesses and gods gradually becomes a relationship of discrimination based upon differences. Accordingly, as women change into objects that are given meaning rather than subjects that give meaning, the de-sacredization of the goddess occurs. This paper focused on the changes in the perception of the Queen Mother of the West from the view of Yin-Yang theory. This approach shows a transition process of transforming wherein she has morphed into an assistant or spouse of a god as part of a trend that deemphasizes the divinity of her as a stand-alone goddess. Yin-Yang theory is the key to understanding culture, history, and art as well as Chinese philosophy. This key can be further applied to the theme of women in mythology. What is particularly noteworthy about the process by which the Queen Mother of the West was defined as a goddess is that she was original described as half-human and half-beast and yet by the time her depictions became fully human and fully woman, she was described instead as an absolute beauty endowed with great artistic talent. In this paper, it will be revealed that the perception of the Queen Mother of the West, as an absolute beauty and artistic talent, is embedded with the male societal desire for an image of the feminine as understood via Yin-Yang theory. Queen Mother of the West as she was depicted in the Classic of Mountains and Seas (山海經 Chn: Shanhaijing Kr: Sanhaegyeong) had a half-human half-beast form that instilled people with fear of disasters and punishments from heaven. However, in the Han Dynasty, her religious significance became that of an object to ward off evil and attain blessings. By the time of the novel, Tales of the Strange (志怪小說 Chn: Zhiguaixiaoshuo Kr: Jigoesoseol), from the Wei, Jin, Southern and Northern Dynasties, she was transformed into a goddess in the image of beautiful woman in charge longevity and immortality. From the perspective of Yin-Yang theory, the changes in the perception of Queen Mother of the West was found to contain the following meaning: as an extension of the establishment of a patriarchal system and subordinate laws, her new form was made to be pleasing to the male gaze and Yin-Yang theory was brought in to support those changes later.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.281-313
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• 2019

This paper was written to investigate the narrative traits of Lee Ae-rim's Comic Books. Lee Ae-rim arrived on the scene with the boom of comic book magazines in the 1990s. Although she started her career as a Comic Book writer, she expanded her own area gradually and has been working actively as an animation director as well. The superficial characteristics of Lee Ae-rim's works can be summed up as sexuality, grotesqueness, and fantasy. In other words, Lee Ae-rim's comic books are mainly characterized by the visualization of sexual, grotesque, and fantastic shapes. Lee Ae-rim has faced challenges with her own overwhelming and compelling images like no one else. For that reason, it is true that people haven't paid careful attention to the hidden stories behind her pictures. This paper considers that looking back on the narratives that Lee Ae-rim has been interested in, from early days to recent days, that is to say, the contexts of stories, is a shortcut to reveal a point of contact between her past, present, and future. Especially, this paper focused on the properties of the circulated and repeated stories, the stories ruled by fate and coincidence, and the stories in which elements of fantasy encounter an attempt of violation. As a result, it was found that the narratives of Lee Ae-rim's comic books demand us to face suppressed desires in a new way, by wrapping up the most fundamental aspects of human being in universality and constancy with specificity and grotesqueness. The reason why Lee Ae-rim has continued the avant-garde and omnidirectional works thus far explains what our society suppresses, inversely. Moreover, the narratives of Lee Ae-rim are significant, by being devoted to the right function of art not only to disclose suppressed desires but to satisfy them. Making an in-depth investigation of the narratives of Lee Ae-rim's comic books in various contexts, this research is intended to establish a diversity of Korean comic books, by adding meaning to the creative values of individual writers.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Floral Art and Design
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• no.41
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• pp.3-12
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• 2019

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of forest play activities on children's emotional vocabulary change. Forest play activities were conducted for 498 children aged 4 to 5 years old who visited the environmental training in G city for forest play activity for 1 hour. As a result, positive vocabulary was significantly improved from 0.95±0.78 before forest play to 1.15±1.21 after forest play(p=.003) and negative vocabulary was significantly decreased from 1.27±1.58 to 0.41±1.10(p=.000). In the case of male children, positive vocabulary was increased significantly from 0.96±0.82 to 1.36±1.24(p=.000), in the case of negative vocabulary, it decreased significantly from 1.42±1.74 to 0.55±1.30(p=.000). In the case of female children, negative vocabulary was significantly decreased from 1.12±1.37 to 0.26±0.26(p=.000), but the positive vocabulary increase was not significant(p=.851). As a result of age, for a 4-year-old children, positive vocabulary did not show significant difference between before and after forest play(p=.471), and negative vocabulary was significantly increased from 1.04 ± 1.42 before forest play to 0.41±1.16 after forest play(p=.000). For a 5-year-old children, positive vocabulary was increased significantly from 0.96±0.85 to 1.23±1.21(p=.001) and negative vocabulary was decreased significantly from 1.41±1.65 to 0.41±1.06(p=.000). As a result of this study, it was found that play activities using various natural objects in the forest were directly related to nature, resulting in positive vocabulary increase and negative vocabulary decrease.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.146-159
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• 2024

In this study, a study on the production technology of the Buddha statue and the production of raw material origin was conducted through scientific analysis on the Bronze seated Bodhisattva Statue of Goseongsa Temple, a treasure. As a result of microstructure analysis through a metal microscope, it was confirmed that the microstructure of the Bronze seated Bodhisattva Statue of Goseongsa Temple was a process-type dendritic structure, and the casting structure of bronze was well represented, so it was manufactured through casting. Subsequently, as a result of analyzing the alloy composition ratio through SEM-EDS, it was identified as a ternary alloy with 81.26 wt% of copper (Cu) and 16.42 wt% of tin (Sn) and 1.72 wt% of lead (Pb). The results of the analysis of lead isotope ratios using a thermal ionization mass spectrometer (TIMS) were substituted into the distribution of lead isotope ratios on the Korean Peninsula, it was shown in corresponding to Jeolla-do and Chungcheong-do regions and North and South Gyeongsang Province. This suggests that the raw materials used in their production were likely sourced from the mines around Goseong Temple in Gangjin. Despite the fact that the statue is a medium and large Buddha with a total height of 51 centimeters, 1.72 wt% of lead (Pb) was found as a result of alloy composition ratio analysis, which showed a similar composition to the lead content ratio of small bronze and gilt-bronze Buddha statues. Therefore, we compared and analyzed the results of the analysis of the composition ratio of the alloys of bronze and gilt bronze statues, which has been scientifically analyzed with a compositional age similar to that of the Bronze seated Bodhisattva Statue of Goseongsa Temple. Comparison results, Various factors, such as the size of the Buddha statue as well as its stylistic characteristics and the age of composition, may exist in determining the alloy composition ratio of the bronze and gilt bronze Buddha statues, and it was confirmed that the alloy composition ratio or casting technology was properly adjusted when the Buddha statue was created. In other words, it is judged that a more comprehensive system of Buddha statue production technology should be investigated by conducting archaeological and art history studies on stylistic characteristics and age of composition, as well as scientific analysis results such as observation of internal structure, microstructure observation, and analysis of alloy composition ratio using radiation transmission irradiation.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.142-171
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• 2019

The dragon is an imaginary animal that appears in the legends and myths of the Orient and the West. While dragons have mostly been portrayed as aggressive and as bad omens in the West, in the Orient, as they symbolize the emperor or have an auspicious meaning, dragons signify a positive meaning. In addition, as the dragon symbolizes the emperor and its type has been diversified considering it as a divine object that controls water, people have tried to express it as a figure. The records related to dragons in the Goryeo dynasty appeared with diverse topics in 'History of Goryeo' and are generally contents related to founding myths, rituals for rain, and Shinii (神異), etc. The founding myth emphasizes the legality of the Goryeo dynasty through the dragon, and this influenced the formation of the dragon's descendants. In addition, the ability to control water, which is a characteristic of the dragon, was symbolized as an earth dragon related to the rainmaking ritual, i.e., wishing for rain during times of drought. Since the dragon was the symbol of the royal family, the use of the dragon by common people was strictly restricted. Furthermore, the association of a bronze dragon mirror with the royal family is hard to be excluded. The type and quantity of bronze double dragon mirrors discovered to have existed during the Goryeo dynasty is great, and the production and the distribution of bronze mirrors with double dragons seem to have been more active compared to other bronze mirrors, as bronze mirrors with double dragons produced during Goryeo and bronze mirrors originating in China were mixed. Therefore, in this article, the characteristics of diverse bronze mirrors from the 10th century to the 14th century in China were examined. It seems that the master craftsmen who produced bronze mirrors with double dragons during the Goryeo dynasty were influenced by Chinese composition patterns when making the mirrors. Because there were many cases where a bronze mirror's country of origin could not easily be determined, in order to identify the differences between bronze double dragon mirrors produced during the Goryeo dynasty and bronze mirrors produced in China, meticulous analysis was required. Thus, to ascertain that Goryeo mirrors were not imitations of bronze mirrors with double dragons originating in China but produced independently, the mirrors were examined using the bronze double dragon mirror type classification system existing in our country. Bronze mirrors with double dragons are classified into three types: Type I, which has the style of the Yao dynasty, includes the greatest proportion; however, despite there being only a small quantity for comparison, Types II and III were selected for the analysis of the bronze mirrors with double dragons made in Goryeo because they have unique composition patterns. As mentioned above, distinguishing bronze mirrors made during Goryeo from bronze mirrors made in China is challenging because Goryeo bronze mirrors were made under the influence of China. Among them, since the manufacturing place of the bronze mirrors with double dragons found at the nine-story stone pagoda in Woljeongsa Temple in Pyeongchang is questionable and the composition pattern of the bronze mirror is hard to find on bronze mirrors with double dragons made in China, the manufacturing place of those bronze mirrors were examined. These bronze mirrors with double dragons were considered as bronze mirrors with double dragons made during the Goryeo dynasty adopting the Yao dynasty style composition pattern as aspects of the composition pattern belonged to Type I, and the detailed combination of patterns is hard to find in mirrors produced in China.

• Trans-
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• v.12
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• pp.51-79
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• 2022

This study investigates the methods for deriving colors which can serve as a reference to users such as designers and or contents creators who search for online images from the web portal sites using specific words for color planning and more. Two experiments were conducted in order to accomplish this. Digital scenery photos within the geographic scope of Korea were downloaded from web portal sites, and those photos were studied to find out what colors were used to describe daytime and nighttime. Machine learning was used as the study methodology to classify colors in daytime and nighttime, and KSCA was used to derive the color frequency of daytime and nighttime photos and to compare and analyze the two results. The results of classifying the colors of daytime and nighttime photos using machine learning show that, when classifying the colors by 51~100%, the area of daytime colors was approximately 2.45 times greater than that of nighttime colors. The colors of the daytime class were distributed by brightness with white as its center, while that of the nighttime class was distributed with black as its center. Colors that accounted for over 70% of the daytime class were 647, those over 70% of the nighttime class were 252, and the rest (31-69%) were 101. The number of colors in the middle area was low, while other colors were classified relatively clearly into day and night. The resulting color distributions in the daytime and nighttime classes were able to provide the borderline color values of the two classes that are classified by brightness. As a result of analyzing the frequency of digital photos using KSCA, colors around yellow were expressed in generally bright daytime photos, while colors around blue value were expressed in dark night photos. For frequency of daytime photos, colors on the upper 40% had low chroma, almost being achromatic. Also, colors that are close to white and black showed the highest frequency, indicating a large difference in brightness. Meanwhile, for colors with frequency from top 5 to 10, yellow green was expressed darkly, and navy blue was expressed brightly, partially composing a complex harmony. When examining the color band, various colors, brightness, and chroma including light blue, achromatic colors, and warm colors were shown, failing to compose a generally harmonious arrangement of colors. For the frequency of nighttime photos, colors in approximately the upper 50% are dark colors with a brightness value of 2 (Munsell signal). In comparison, the brightness of middle frequency (50-80%) is relatively higher (brightness values of 3-4), and the brightness difference of various colors was large in the lower 20%. Colors that are not cool colors could be found intermittently in the lower 8% of frequency. When examining the color band, there was a general harmonious arrangement of colors centered on navy blue. As the results of conducting the experiment using two methods in this study, machine learning could classify colors into two or more classes, and could evaluate how close an image was with certain colors to a certain class. This method cannot be used if an image cannot be classified into a certain class. The result of such color distribution would serve as a reference when determining how close a certain color is to one of the two classes when the color is used as a dominant color in the base or background color of a certain design. Also, when dividing the analyzed images into several classes, even colors that have not been used in the analyzed image can be determined to find out how close they are to a certain class according to the color distribution properties of each class. Nevertheless, the results cannot be used to find out whether a specific color was used in the class and by how much it was used. To investigate such an issue, frequency analysis was conducted using KSCA. The color frequency could be measured within the range of images used in the experiment. The resulting values of color distribution and frequency from this study would serve as references for color planning of digital design regarding natural scenery in the geographic scope of Korea. Also, the two experiments are meaningful attempts for searching the methods for deriving colors that can be a useful reference among numerous images for content creator users of the relevant field.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.74-100
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• 2022

The purpose of this study was to investigate the characteristics of Chinese seowons and to obtain data based on the characteristics of waterscapes unique to Korean seowons. The conclusion of this study from the results of investigation and analysis of the location, water system, and design characteristics of 10 representative traditional seowons in China including Yuelu Seowon(嶽麓書院) conducted based on literature research and field observation is as follows. The water system of Chinese seowons is dualized into an inner and an outer water system, and in general, two and a maximum of three water bodies are superimposed on the outside. The locations of seowons are classified into five types: Four double-sided round water type sites, three converted face water type sites, one three-sided round water type site, a four-sided round water type, and a waterproofing type(依山傍水型). Therefore, compared to the typical Korean seowon facing water in the front and a mountain in the back(背山面水型), the Chinese seowons showed a highly hydrophilic property. The water shapes of the external water system were meandering(46.0%), mooring(36.0%), and broad and irregular(9.0%). In addition, water conception(水態) were streams(31.8%), rivers(27.3%), springs(13.6%), falls(9.1%), lakes(4.5%) and ponds(4.5%), in that order. As for waterscapes of the water system inside the seowon, there were seven in Akrok Seowon and four in Mansong Seowon, indicating a comparatively higher number of waterscapes. Since the 27 detailed waterscapes in 10 seowons that were the subject of the study were classified into six types including ponds and half-moon ponds, they appeared to be more diverse than the Korean seowon. It is noteworthy that in the interior waterscape of the traditional Chinese seowon, the ritualistic order, where at least one half-moon pond or square pond(方池) was arranged, is well displayed. In particular, the half-moon pond(伴池), which is difficult to find in Korean seowon, was found to be a representative waterscape element, accounting for 42.8%. If the square pond of Nanxi Seowon based on Zhu Xi's poem 「Gwanseoyugam(觀書有感)」 is also treated as a square-shaped half-moon pond, the proportion of half-moon ponds in the waterscape will be as high as 50%. The pond shapes consisted of 28% square, 24% each for free curve and round shape, 20% for semi-moon shape, and 3.8% for mountain stream type. This seems to differ greatly from the square-shaped Korean seowon. On the other hand, there were a total of 10 types of structures related to the waterscape inside the Chinese seowon: 11(26.8%) pavilion and bridge sites, five gate room sites(牌坊: 16.5%), four gate and tower sites(樓, 1.4%), two Jae sites(齋, 6.2%), and one site each(3.1%) of Heon(軒), Sa(祠), Dae(臺), and Gak(閣). In particular, the pavilions inside seowon were classified into three types: landscape pavilion(景觀亭 27.2%), tombstone pavilion(碑亭, 18.2%), and banquet pavilion(宴集亭, 54.5%). In general, it was confirmed that the half-moon pond with a pedestal bridge, and the pavilion were the major components with a high degree of connection that dominate the waterscape inside the Chinese seowon.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.