• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.33
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• pp.85-112
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• 2012

Group for the People without History(GPH) was launched at September 2002 and had worked for around five years with the following purposes; Firstly, GPH collects first-hand data on people's everyday lives based on fieldworks. Secondly, GPH constructs digital archives of the collected data. Thirdly, GPH guarantees the accessibility to the archives for people. And lastly, GPH promotes users to utilize the archived data for the various levels. GPH has influenced on the construction of archives on everyday life history as well as the research areas such as anthropology and social history. What is important is that GPH tried to construct digital archives even before the awareness on archives was not widely spreaded in Korea other than formal sectors. Furthermore, the GPH archives proposed a model of open archives which encouraged the people's participation in and utilization of the archives. GPH also showed the ways in which archived data were used. It had published forty seven books of people's life histories and five photographic books, and held six photographic exhibitions on the basis of the archived data. Though GPH archives had contributed to the ignition of the discussions on archives in various areas as leading civilian archives, it has a few limitations. The most important problem is that the data are vanishing too fast for researchers to collect. It is impossible for researchers to collect the whole data. Secondly, the physical space and hardware for the data storage should be ensured. One of the alternatives to solve the problems revealed in the works of GPH is to construct community archives. Community archives are decentralized archives run by people themselves to preserve their own voices and history. It will guarantee the democratization of archives.

• Journal of the Korean Chemical Society
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• v.64 no.6
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• pp.416-428
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• 2020

This study analyzed the uses of external representations presented in the matter units of the 7th-grade science digital textbooks developed under the 2015 revised national curriculum. The level, form, presentation, and interactivity of external representations presented in 5 types of digital textbooks were analyzed. As for the level, the macroscopic level of representations was mainly presented. The macroscopic level and microscopic level of representations were presented together in the particle description. As for the form, visual-verbal and visual-nonverbal representations were usually presented across the board. Very few audial-verbal and audial-nonverbal representations were presented. Visual-verbal and audial-verbal representations were mostly presented in formal form, and visual-nonverbal representations were mostly presented in illustration without movement. The presentation of representations was analyzed in three aspects. First, visual-verbal and visual-nonverbal representations were mainly presented together and none of audial-verbal and visual-nonverbal representations were presented together. When the representations of the audial-verbal, visual-nonverbal, and visual-verbal were presented together, some of the information presented in audial-verbal representations was repeatedly presented in the visual-verbal representations. Second, audial-nonverbal representations not related to learning content were presented along with other representations. Third, there were few cases of arranging visual-verbal and visual-nonverbal representations on the next pages. Audialverbal and visual-nonverbal representations were always presented synchronized. As for the interactivity, the manipulation level was mainly presented in the main area, and the feedback level was mainly presented in the activity area. The adaptation level and the communication level of interactivity were presented very few. Based on the results, the implications for the direction of constructing digital textbooks were discussed.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.40-51
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• 2011

The purpose of the study was to understand the symbol and locational meanings in building and relocating Gwangje-jeong(光霽亭) through the analysis and interpretation on the construction background, history, the location and its characteristics. Concerning physical environment, human activities, the symbol and meanings of the formal Gwangje-jeong site and the present location, the study was concluded about the site and its meaning of tradition as following. Gwangje, the name of the pavilion, represents the fidelity of Maedang(梅堂) Yangdon(楊墩) who refused as Seonbee(a man of virtue) to be tainted with the corrupt world, which was related with the situation at that time. It implies Maedang's feeling of realizing Noojeongjeyong(樓亭題詠) of Gwangje-jeong along with the high spirit of Gwangpoongjewol(光風霽月). According to the record about rebuilding Gwangje-jeong, Maedang was the very person who planted plum flowers at the pavilion and put up the tablet of its name, Gwangje. Even after his death, Gwangje-jeong was the symbol indicating Yangdon, given the triple high ground and the planting of plum flowers. Also, Sookho(宿虎) town at the entrance of Gwangje-jeong and Bokhoam(伏虎巖: a rock) at the right side of the pavilion signifies the location for praising Maedang Yangdon, and the Yangjipha's Oensi(五言詩: five words verse) engraved on the rock gives a good description about the place, Agyesa that worshiped Yangdon. As Agye-Sa(阿溪祠) where Yangdon was worshiped and praised had been abolished in the 5th year under the Kojong's reign(1868), the spirit praising Maedang had finally been used for the relocation of Gwangje-jeong. Despite the relocation of Gwangje-jeong, the old Gwangje-jeong site has remained at least for 359years at Hucheonli, and its surroundings have maintained the name 'Gwangje' as the front place name morpheme, for example, 'Gwangje-jeong,' 'Gwangje Town,' 'Gwangje Bridge' and 'Gwangje Creek,' for symbolizing the praising of Maedang. Gwangje-jeong, as the center place of solidarity among Namwon Yang's family clan, has been able to maintain its symbol and meanings in spite of relocation, mainly because of the fellowship among the descendants, family clan and alumni who respected virtuous achievements of ancestors and shared the agony of the time. In addition, the symbolism has been preserved since the spirit of Gwangpoonjewol of Yangdon and his high character were cherished along with the spirit of Bongseon(奉先) that inherited and kept virtuous achievements of ancestors.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.27
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• pp.267-361
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• 2008

This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.133-172
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• 2017

Mansuseongjeol was originally a term that referred to the birthday of Chinese emperors. In October 1897, when Emperor Gojong ascended the throne, his birthday could be called mansuseongjeol. The celebratory events for mansuseongjeol took place throughout various levels of society and regions. Various places and classes including government officials, foreigners, students, religious people, journalists, merchants, civic groups, and nation-wide open ports celebrated the birth of Emperor Gojong, and the classes celebrating the day became stronger and wider. In other words, in the sense that the celebration had the nature of being universal, national, and global in terms of classes, regions, and races, the event was distinguished. Due to such nature, celebrating culture proceeded in various ways and the imperial family provided donation. Celebration on mansuseongjeol extended to respect toward the emperor and patriotism so it contributed to strengthening the emperor's power and solidifying the unity of the people. Also, such an event was reported around the world through diplomats and reporters living in Korea, raising the national status of Korea in the world. However, after the breakout of Russo-Japanese War, Japan controlled the finance of the royal family, reduced the power of the emperor, and the celebration of mansuseongjeol was also reduced. Due to the suspension of royal family's financial support, crackdown from Japan, and the dethronement of Emperor Gojong, events for mansuseongjeol disappeared and only inside the palace, did formal celebrations continue centering on pro-Japan officials and Japanese people. The abdication of Emperor Gojong came with the collapse of Korean Empire and along with that, celebration of mansuseongjeol came to an end. In the circumstances, the culture of court banquet disintegrated, and the best performers of Korean Empire degenerated into mere entertainers. Though mansuseongjeol, the medium of expressing respect toward the emperor and patriotism, lost its status, it is significant that the cultural achievements, which were created during the process established with the support of the financial power of the royal family, serve as internal power that drove Korea's modern and contemporary cultural history.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.169-193
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• 2013

This paper examines how a social investment approach can be applied in a comparative analysis of childcare arrangements. We compared changes in Sweden, France, Germany, the UK, Japan and Korea during the 2000s, focusing on four dimensions of social investment: activation, gender equality, quality of care, and the degree of state's intervention in the family. We considered leave systems and the number of children enrolled in formal care and education facilities as indicators for labour market activation. For gender equality, women's position in employment is considered with respect to labour market participation rates, proportion of permanent employment, and wage-sex ratio. Quality of care concerns child-to-staff ratio and care provided with government quality control. The state's intervention was measured as social spending on families as proportions of GDP and total social spending. Our analysis provides empirical evidence that Sweden and France are pioneers in this arena and that the UK, Germany, Korea, and Japan are path-shifters in their care paradigms, albeit to varying degrees. Is the social investment approach an adequate paradigm for care? In a normative sense, this approach has potential. However, the following issues remain unaddressed: gender equality should be achieved through an expansion in good-quality jobs, fathers should be encouraged to take on childcare duties, and families should have universal access to good-quality childcare services controlled by the government.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.147-172
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• 2014

Kang Jae Eung translated "Sang-bong-lok" of Kang Ho Boo from Korean into Chinese. There is Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄) written in with Korean and Chinese among 500 Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄). Especially it is very rare that is translated from Korean into Chinese. Because of there aspect, it is valuable and worth studying. "Sang-bong-lok" was 3 series by origin, but now we have only 2 series. That is the original text written in Chinese by Kang Ho Boo, a Korean version by Kang Ho Boo, and Chinese translated of Korean version by his descindants Kang Jae Eung. Original text dosen't exists now undiscovered yet. Chinese version "Sang-bong-lok" is distinguished from the other Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄) and classical novel in form and contents. In formal aspect, Chinese version "Sang-bong-lok" describes an industry remarks in prologue. This industry remark describes standard and form of writing. Looking industry remark, you can find that Kang Jae Eung didn't add or subject the sentence of original text and distinguished between his own sentence and original text. This compiling system distinguishing compiler from original writter is rare enough to so that you cannot find it in other Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄). In contents, Kang Jae Eung almost transcribed Korean Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄) without subtraction and added special information to promote the view of Kang Ho Boo. After discription, Kang Jae Eung covered all information and reviewed it and added opinion to it. Kang Jae Eung's conclusion is sometimes same or different from Kang Ho Boo's. Anyway it is worthy of noticing that Kang Jae Eung wrote his opinion after Kang Ho Boo's sentence.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.93-120
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• 2015

The purpose of this study is to explore the source of appealing which Gusadang Kim Nakhaeng's writing for ancestral rites is equipped with. Gusadang was one of the Confucianists in Yeongnam during the 18th century and was praised for his scholarly virtue of jihaenghapil and silcheongunghaeng. Although Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites and his teacher Milam Lee Jaeui's letters were even specially named as 'gujemilchal', there has been almost no research on Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites yet. Therefore, this study selects three pieces of Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites which are especially rich in emotional expression for discussion. Chapter 2 titled as 'the Reconstruction of Memory in a Microscopic Perspective' presents the reason why Gusadang's writing for ancestral rites is recognized even as a piece of work equipped with appealing. Writing for ancestral rites begins from the point that there exists memory that can be shared by both the living and the dead. In reconstructing the anecdote with the dead on the stage of ritual writing in detail, the writer's memory plays an important role. Chapter 3 titled as 'the Rhetorical Reconstruction of Elevated Sensitivity' examines rhetorical devices needed for writing for ancestral rites. Proper rhetoric is needed to upgrade the dignity of the ritual writing and arouse sympathy from the readers. Although writing for ancestral rites is supposed to express sadness in terms of its formal characteristics, it should not end up being a mere outlet of emotion. Chapter 4 looks into 'the Descriptive Reconstruction of Lamenting Sentiment'. There should be a clear focus of description to make the gesture of the living towards the being not existing in the world any longer an appealing story. While maintaining a distinct way of description, Gusadang organizes the noble character of the dead, pitiable death, the precious bond in the past, and the longing of those left for the dead systematically. Writing for ancestral rites is a field to mourn over the death and reproduce the sadness of the living through writing. To make the text written in that way get to work as ritual writing properly, it should be appealing necessarily. This study has found the fact that such appealing that gives life to ritual writing is grounded on authenticity.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.161-188
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• 2009

Confucianism's concept of Ye is ruled by the absolute principle of the universe on one hand, and by "the rules of Ye(節文)" and "the rules of ceremony(儀則)", the principle of relative articulation on the other hand. The realizations of the absolute principle of Ye is depending on its usage in everyday life which is fundamentally conditioned by time and space. Thus, Ye's usage can be maximized when the fundamental principle and the condition of its usage make a mutual harmony. Of course, Ye and Ak(樂) are doing complementary roles for each other, since Ye is a principle of a division and Ak is a principle of combining features. However, the essence of Ye can be figured out as the characteristics of mutual reciprocity among things of hierarchy between the classes. Not only in Modern one But also in the medieval society, Ye was not a one-sided force. The essence of Ye does not retain the interests of an individual and the power of a group. If so, the formal aspects of Ye had been distorted. Confucianism demands a strict morality and ethics of a normal person as well as of the ruler. The characteristics of Ye is democratic and open to the condition of time and space. Yegyo should be rooted in everyday lives and realized as a usualness. Therefore, Shirak was an inevitable feature of Yegyo. During the 16th and the 17th century, Ye insinuated into everyday lives of the public in the Korean society. Yulgok Yiyi(李珥)'s Haejuhyangyak(海州鄕約) was estimated as the exemplary feature of Shirak.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.65-89
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• 2018

This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.