• Title/Summary/Keyword: Forest and Buddhism

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A Buddhist Study on the Effect of Forest Healing (산림치유효과의 불교적 고찰)

  • Seo, Byung-Chan
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.540-552
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    • 2020
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze forest healing from a Buddhist perspective and improve its effect, and the forest has a close relationship with Buddhism than any religion. the Buddha's life is connected to forest and tree, which is caused by the spiritual nature and role of forest. Healing deals with the problem of suffering of the mind, and in Buddhism, it is solved through practice. By understanding the phenomenon of delusions such as thoughts, greed, and bad feelings about sensory control, vhfptmxmhelps to escape from the desire to pursue unnecessary stimuli or external objects, Human beings can get comfort and pleasure through the five senses in the beautiful natural scenery, and find the stability of the mind. This is because when entering the forest, good environments that prevent the 6th consciousness from growing delusions way the operation of the five senses are contained in the forest, This study is a preliminary study that analyzed the effects based on the natural environmental healing factor and Buddhist theory of forests based on previous studies, As a result of examining whether Buddhism can maximize the healing effect of forest healing, it was confirmed that it can contribute to activation along with existing forest healing techniques, The verification of the effectiveness will be left as a follow-up research project through future experimental research, and this study is expected to contribute to the activation of forest healing effect.

Cultural Symbolism and Acculturation of Temple Plants in China: Focused on 'Bodhi Tree'

  • Chai, Tian-Long;Rho, Jae-Hyun
    • Journal of People, Plants, and Environment
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    • v.23 no.5
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    • pp.577-587
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    • 2020
  • Background and objective: Plants in temples are the results of cultural symbolization that embraces the experience and enlightenment of humans about life. As a way to improve the acceptance of the foreign religion, China gave cultural symbolization to plants in temple gardens through integration with traditional cultures and the understanding of the nature of plants themselves. This study aimed to identify cultural symbolism and signs of acculturation associated with Buddhist plants, targeting Bolisu, the most essential and symbolic plant in temple garden forests in China and Korea. Methods: The morphological and ecological characteristics of plants, functions, the texts that contained the history of Buddhism and literary works were examined through literature review, and the relation of Ficus religiosa with its planting conditions and nature, and Buddhist culture was explored. In addition, the cultural value of Buddhist plants themselves in establishing temples and the reason why Bolisu was planted in temples were reviewed through time series analysis. The obtained results were interpreted using an inductive method to identify substitutes for F. religiosa, cultural symbolism and signs of acculturation. Results: F. religiosa as one of the three holy trees and the five trees and six flowers in Buddhism is known as the original Bolisu. Since it grows well and is widely distributed in regions that accepted Indian Buddhism, it became the most representative holy tree in Buddhism. From the perspective of tree shape and nature, F. religiosa is in line with the Buddhist spirit of saving those in need with mercy and redeeming mankind, and figuratively shows that perfection can be attained like the fruit of Bolisu. Chines Buddhism had adopted highly symbolic plants for a long period of time as a means to spread the same belief and doctrines as Indian Buddhism. In China, however, there were only limited areas suitable for the growth of F. religiosa, and for this reason, borrowed Bolisu trees including Tilia. miqueliana, T. mandshurica and T. amurensis and other plants such as F. virens Ait. var. sublanceolata, G. biloba and M. alba were planted as a substitute in most regions, having been given with symbolism and belief as Bolisu. Conclusion: Chinese Buddhism planted the same plants as Indian Buddhism in order to enhance symbolism and also similar substitutes to express the same symbolism. This is a kind of acculturation and its influence and customs were not limited to China, but were introduced to Korea, The difference between China and Korea was that G. biloba was excluded from the substitute for Bolisu in Korea.

A Study on Reasons for Planting Abies holophylla by Imperial Japan in Korean Temples (주요 사찰에 일제가 심은 전나무 노거수의 식재의미 연구)

  • Park, Chan-Woo;Jeong, Mi-Ae;Lee, Yeon-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.43 no.4
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    • pp.50-61
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    • 2015
  • This study investigates how Abies holophylla was planted as a tree sacred to the gods by Japan during the late Chosun and Japanese colonial periods. This study surveyed the current conditions of old Abies holophylla geological information, year planted, and the relationship between Abies holophylla and traditional Japanese values. The reasons that Abies holophylla was considered a tree sacred to the gods are as follows. Firstly, trees are planted on the spaces between Iljumun and Numun in Buddhist temples of Korea in the same way as trees are planted on the roads for worship in traditional temples of Japan. Secondly, tree diameter at breast height ranged from 60cm to 100cm. This means that the Abies holophylla trees range in age from 70 years to 138 years, showing that the trees were planted at the period between the beginning of Japanese Buddhism(1877) and the Japanese Colonial Period (1945). Thirdly, conclusions regarding why the Abies holophylla were planted in Korean temples at the beginning of Japanese Buddhism will be drawn based on the records that Jingu-Kogo's Conquest of Silla was taken care of the Suwataisha as a tree sacred to the gods in Japanese tradition. The reason for which Abies holophylla was planted in Korean temples should be evaluated through the remnants of Japan in the past. The issue of the old Abies holophylla in Korean temples should be investigated and further discussed in depth.

The Flora of Mt. Hwang-ak and Jikjisa, Temple Forest in Baekdudaegan (백두대간의 사찰림 황악산과 직지사의 식물상)

  • Son, Yonghwan;Park, Sunghyuk;Seo, Hanna;Park, Wangeun;Son, Hojun
    • Korean Journal of Plant Resources
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    • v.34 no.2
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    • pp.115-143
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    • 2021
  • Mt. Hwang-ak, as a temple forest belongs to Baekdudaegan. flora investigation was conducted to better know of current natural environment. At the same time, For the understanding of planted plants which is in the traditional Korea buddhism temple for landscape, research on Jikji temple had taken place during 2019 April to October with 12 times. As a result, the list of plants at Mt. Hwang-ak was classified as a total of 534 taxa comprising of 96 families, 312 genus, 462 species, 4 subspecies, 59 varieties, 9 forma. This listed plants could be classified as 4 categories by each standard. the listed plants were 14 species of Korean endemic plants, 13 species of Rare plants data book in korea, 34 species of Invasive Alien Plants in South Korea with 10% of Urbanization Ratio and 6% of Naturalization Ratio respectively, 167 species of List of Medicinal Resources Plants in Korea. In the Temple of Jikji, could find 81 species of planted plants that widely distributed all around the temple for landscape. Compared to other temple, We could observed 51% of species were overlapping, Among them, 9% of species overlapping with more than three temples.

A Study on Constructional Intention, Idea, Thought and Aesthetic Consciousness of Joseon Royal Tombs (조선왕릉의 조영의도, 이념, 사상, 미의식에 관한 연구)

  • Choi, Jong-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.34 no.4
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    • pp.66-77
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    • 2016
  • This contribution studied constructional intentions, ideas, thought and aesthetic consciousness of Joseon Royal Tombs regarding its location, spatial organization and elements. A literature investigation and a field study have been carried out, and the royal tombs of the Goryeo Dynasty and the Shilla Dynasty also have been studied to look for the its origins. The outcomes are as follows. The tomb's system of Joseon Royal Tombs inherited the King Gongmin's Tomb of the Goryeo Dynasty of Buddhism, but they have their own characteristics in a spatial organization and elements involved in Confucianism, Taoism, not only Buddhism. In the aspect of location, Joseon Royal Tombs followed the Feng-shu geometric principle to find a land that have a mountain in the back, and a river in the front. Spatial plan was carried out with Confucianism to apply the order of rank. Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism are shown with the elements such as architecture, landscape architecture, stone objects, and historical forest being connected each other. Especially, constructional intentions, ideas, thought and aesthetic consciousness are connected with the people in Joseon Royal Tombs through the ritual ceremony of Confucianism.

The Royal and Sajik Tree of Joseon Dynasty, the Culturo-social Forestry, and Cultural Sustainability (근세조선의 왕목-사직수, 문화사회적 임업, 그리고 문화적 지속가능성)

  • Yi, Cheong-Ho;Chun, Young Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.98 no.1
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    • pp.66-81
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    • 2009
  • From a new perspective of "humans and the culture of forming and conserving the environment", the sustainable forest management can be reformulated under the concept of "cultural sustainability". Cultural sustainability is based on the emphasis of the high contribution to sustainability of the culture of forming and conserving the environment. This study extracts the implications to cultural sustainability for the modern world by investigating a historical case of the culturo-social pine forestry in the Joseon period of Korea. In the legendary and recorded acts by the first king Taejo, Seonggye Yi, Korean red pine (Pinus densiflora) was the "Royal tree" of Joseon and also the "Sajik tree" related intimately with the Great Sajik Ritual valued as the top rank within the national ritual regime that sustained the Royal Virtue Politics in Confucian political ideology. Into the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals of Joseon, elements of geomancy (Feng shui), folk religion, and Buddhism had been amalgamated. The deities worshipped or revered at the Sajik shrine were Earth-god (Sa) and crop-god (Jik). And it is the Earth god and the concrete entity, Sajik tree, that contains the legacy of sylvan religion descended from the ancient times and had been incorporated into the Confucian faith and ritual regime. Korean red pine as the Royal-Sajik tree played a critical role of sustaining the religio-political justification for the rule of the Joseon's Royalty. The religio-political symbolism of Korean red pine was represented in diverse ways. The same pine was used as the timber material of shrine buildings established for the national rituals under Neo-Confucian faith by the royal court of Joseon kingdom before the modern Korea. The symbolic role of pine had also been expressed in the forms of royal tomb forests, the Imposition Forest (Bongsan) for royal coffin timber (Whangjangmok), and the creation, protection, conservation and bureaucratic management of the pine forests in the Inner-four and Outer-four mountains for the capital fortress at Seoul, where the king and his family inhabit. The religio-political management system of pine forests parallels well with the kingdom's economic forest management system, called "Pine Policy", with an array of pine cultivation forests and Prohibition Forests (Geumsan) in the earlier period, and that of Imposition Forests in the later period. The royal pine culture with the economic forest management system had influenced on the public consciousness and the common people seem to have coined Malrimgat, a pure Korean word that is interchangeable with the Chinesecharacter words of prohibition-cultivation land or forest (禁養地, 禁養林) practiced in the royal tomb forests, and Prohibition and Imposition Forests, which contained prohibition landmarks (Geumpyo) made of stone and rock on the boundaries. A culturo-social forestry, in which Sajik altar, royal tomb forests, Whangjang pine Prohibition and Imposition forests and the capital Inner-four and Outer-four mountain forests consist, was being put into practice in Joseon. In Joseon dynastry, the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals with geomancy, folk religion, and Buddhism incorporated has also played a critical humanistic role for the culturo-social pine forestry, the one higher in values than that of the economic pine forestry. The implications have been extracted from the historical case study on the Royal-Sajik tree and culturo-social forestry of Joseon : Cultural sustainability, in which the interaction between humans and environment maintains a long-term culturo-natural equilibrium or balance for many generations, emphasizes the importance that the modern humans who form and conserve environment need to rediscover and transform their culturo-natural legacy into conservation for many generations and produce knowledge of sustainability science, the transdisciplinary knowledge for the interaction between environment and humans, which fulfills the cultural, social and spiritual needs.

Traditional Korean landscape garden with special attention (역사적 문화환경의 창조 -고대정원문화를 중심으로-)

  • 민경현
    • Journal of the Korean Professional Engineers Association
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    • v.18 no.2
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    • pp.54-65
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    • 1985
  • Korean Landscape Garden may be described according to its stage of development. In the primitive agricultural era, the garden was preceded by vegetable yards and at this time rock arranging (Soo-Sok garden) was initiated together with the megalithis culture of dolmens, heavenly altars and tumuli. In the early Three Kingdom period palace gardens were built on a grand scale and toward the end of fourth century temple garden were introduced along with Buddhism. These gardens evolved to the flourishment of "HWAGE"(terraced gardens) rock arrangements of ZEN, early KOR-YO period. Especially since the middle of KOR-Yo period the "IM-CHUN"(forest and pond) garden became popular, while during Cho-Son period "HWAGE" in the back yard, pond and pool garden and "IM-CHUN" style country villa became fashionable. The Korea traditional Landscape garde may be characterized that first it is a nature Landscape style, which makes the maximum accomodation with the surrounding nature. Secondly, the Korean garden is built creatively by utilizing the elements of its climate and topography, Kogu-Ryo, Paik-Je great-Kaya and Sil-Ra had developed original a castle town plans and beautiful gardens rock arrangements which precede the equivalent style of China and set the prototype for Japan. The Landscape art of waterfalls and rock arrangements at An-Ap-Chi garden of 7th century has no equals in China and set the origin of pond style of Japanese garden.

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A Study on the Meaning and the Factors of Formation of the Prototypal Landscape (원형경관(原型景觀)의 개념 정립 및 형성요인 연구)

  • Kang, Young-Eun;Choi, Dong-Wook;Hong, Sung-Hee;Jung, Yun-Hee;Kim, Sang-Bum;Im, Seung-Bin
    • Journal of Korean Society of Rural Planning
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    • v.15 no.4
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    • pp.33-42
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    • 2009
  • This study is aimed at the necessity application in 'Prototype' general concept on discovering cultural identity landscape of our national characteristics landscape research. Accordingly, It is considered landscape, fundamental concept, the prototypal landscape concept from previously researches that have been used. At the same time, the concept of prototypal landscape has been established by commenting a point of view which is defining previous researches that controverted prototypal landscape, then establish concept of prototypal landscape and derive attribute by comparing and considering similar terminology of prototypal landscape. Previously, research prototypal landscape in depth by applying defined concept of prototypal landscape and considering inherence ideological and environmental background prototypal figure and structure. Formation pattern of the prototypal landscape is classified in both philosophical formative primary factor from philosophy, religion and environmental formative factor of human that accumulated cultural life from a region and life. Examples of forming the prototypal landscape by philosophical formative factor are classified as 'Feng-Shui(the theory of divination based on topography)', 'Yin-Yang theory', 'Confucian idea theory' 'Philosophical Taoism', 'Buddhism theory' and 'Nature theory' then environmental formative factor are interpreted by 'Taekliji(determining of advantageous land)', 'Imwon(forest) economical geography', 'land use', 'topography' and 'terrain' as examples. This study is anticipating a new point of view and an establishment of reliable preservation to our characteristic of the prototypal landscape by considering concept of prototypal landscape and formative factor as studying limits of prototypal landscape and researching concentrated origination of the prototype.

A Study on the Traditional Planting Prototype of Haengdan(杏壇) and Natural Monumental Value of Ginkgo Tree in Sejong-ri (전통재식 행단(杏壇)의 원형과 세종리 은행나무의 천연기념물적 가치 연구)

  • Shin, Hyun-Sil;Choi, Byoung-Ki
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.1
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    • pp.36-44
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    • 2020
  • This study analyzed the Planting Prototype of Haengdan(杏壇)is the One of the traditional planting techniques and the value of natural monument plant and derived the value of the ginkgo tree in Sejong-ri as a natural monument. The results are as follows; First, ginkgo trees have high environmental adaptability, practicality and visual value. There were also many ginkgo trees that were deeply related to Confucian and Buddhist ideas. Ginkgo trees accounted for the largest portion of the number of old tree designated as natural monuments in recognition of their value. Second, after analyzing the historical and cultural values of ginkgo trees, ginkgo trees became the place of gardens and buildings by symbolizing Confucius(孔子)' Confucian ideas. In Buddhism, it was related to the creation of temples or the achievements of ancient monks. The people had a symbol of the prosperity of their offspring and the succession of the family. Third, in 1024 gongdobo, the grandson of Confucius, rebuilt the shrine, installed the platform in the central position and planted ginkgo trees. It originated from what he called "the "haengdan(杏壇)." The tree was then recorded as "heungheang(紅杏)" which was written by Wang Jae-jin's poetry during the Ming Dynasty. Thus it was misused as apricot tree. The cause of this is due to the same kanji reading. or it can be seen as influence on the taoism. But Korea has been sticking to the use of the first ginkgo trees. Forth, biologically, the Sejong-ri ginkgo tree is characterized by the composition of a pair of male trees. The landscape is contrasted with the twisted male tree and vertical female trees. In addition, in terms of authenticity and integrity, the relationship between Admiral Im, Nan-Su(林蘭秀) of the Goryeo Dynasty and the ginkgo tree is found in various literature.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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