• Human Ecology Research
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• v.59 no.2
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• pp.169-183
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• 2021

The purpose of this study was to examine the association between family meals and family strengths (cohesion and flexibility) in Korean families with school-aged children. We focused on five dimensions of family meals: frequency, family rituals, communication, rules and roles, and perceptions. Our data came from 619 mothers who were married with at least one child in elementary school. Our multiple regression analyses showed that mothers reported higher levels of both cohesion and flexibility when they gave a higher priority to family meals, made family meals a ritual, had conversations on diverse topics during family meals, or experienced lower levels of meal-related stress. In addition, higher levels of family flexibility were found when a family had more structured rules related to family meals and the father more regularly participated in meal-related housework. This study contributes to the literature by understanding the roles of family meals from a multi-dimensional perspective.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.53-70
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• 2016

There has been many researchs about "朱子家禮" providing the basic mannerism in Josun Dynasty era and influencing rituals to communicate ancestors. However, the arrangement of ritual has not been researched and understood as formality. In this study, the Yin, Yang and the five element theory was researched in the perspective of understanding in the universe order and ancient astronomy that provided the academic basic and idea in the era to understand the arrangement of the ritual, and based on this, the arrangement in "朱子家禮" was analysed. As a result, it was confirmed that the arrangement in ritual was made by the structure of symbol of Yin, Yang and five elements, which is the logic of order in universe people understood at that time. Through this, by understanding the meaning of the arrangement in ritual, the ritual culture would be properly understood and passed to next generation despite of changes in culture.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.204-221
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• 2021

The morning ritual was a rite whereby a morning audience with the emperor was held for feudal lords sovereigns and subjects living in the precincts, monarchs or foreign envoys of the outskirts of the capital, and other ethnic group. Distinction between the main and subordinate rituals, changes in the ceremony according to the times, and the position or rank of those participating in the rite, were factors that directly affected the costumes worn for ritual. Accordingly, in this paper, the costumes worn by members of the Ming dynasty (emperor, prince imperial, prince) were examined in terms of the period and detailed ceremonies with a focus on the morning ritual and costume systems presented in the official historical records. Through this study, only Mian-fu (冕服) and Pi-bian-fu (皮弁服) were defined by the costume system ase costumes worn in the morning ritual. However, through comparative analysis with the morning ritual system, it was confirmed that Tongtian-guan-fu (通天冠服), Yishan-guan-fu (翼善冠服), and Bianfu (便服: slightly casual wear) were also worn. It is worth noting that the color of Gunlong-pao (袞龍袍) was differentiated according to status; the Emperor wore yellow, the Prince Imperial and lower levels wore red, which was the traditional perception of academia. However, following confirmation of the custom costume for the morning ritual, it was confirmed that the color of this differentiation appeared during the 3rd year of Emperor Yongle of Ming (1305). Previously five traditional colors (blue, red, yellow, white, and black) were used for the season.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.38 no.6
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• pp.796-809
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• 2014

This study identifies formativeness and the Korean consciousness of the vernacular design in a Korean designers' collection in order to discover the internal characteristics of vernacular expression elements. The study is based on a theoretical review and an analysis of cases collected from Korean fashion designers' clothes. Research is limited to international collections of clothes presented by Korean fashion designers since 2,000. The process of Korean vernacular designs in fashion were analyzed for formativeness in form, color, pattern and detail. The research findings identified formativeness and Korean's consciousness of modern fashion designs that reflect vernacular designs as follows. First, they are round, flexible line and shape based on assimilated with nature, rhythmic curve to express life force and asymmetry based on an ecstatic world based on nature. Second, a white color explained the pure mind and racial peculiarities in regards to the five colors that expressed the thinking of traditional rituals such as prayers for comfort of life and ancestor worship. Third, there were patterns around shape of nature, praying, and Korea culture. Finally, there were skills of Korean traditional handcrafts such as embroideries, knit-works, gold foils, and quilts where clothes expressed the hardship of life and strong willpower to overcome. In conclusion, the clothing of Korean vernacular designs contains characteristics such as natural beauty, decorativeness, shamanism, and eclecticism.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.626-639
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• 2010

The club culture is not something unified. Rather, it is a group of subcultures which share intertwined areas. And it keeps its own dress code, dance style, music genre along with series of authoritarian and unlawful rituals. For young adults, a club is a new cultural space to enjoy in reasonable price and they can express themselves without thinking much about others. A club creates its unique mass culture by producing continuously changing and experimental fashion styles. As the club culture’s influence becomes powerful, the club market was established and experimental fashion styles are wide spread among general public, young adults who try to express their unique characters and even fashion-leading industry. The study results are as follows. First, dance club and its derivative, rave is symbolic axles and the center of social activity. They are also defined as culture which is related to specific space that continues to present and change sound and style. Second, the definition of clubber in a dictionary is club member or a person who is united with others. Third, based upon clubbers' fashion styles in Hongdae and Kang-nam areas, there are 5 different images including sexy casual, lingerie, dynamic, chic style and feminine style. Fourth, based upon case study above, to take unique life style of fashionista that leads fashion with trendy fashion style into account, we suggested five designs which are unique, sensitive and trendy. Fifth, through analyzing clubber generation and design factors of clubbers' fashion style combined with various trend, unique brand was developed to meet the demands of clubbers who want differentiated images and leading styles.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.25 no.5
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• pp.739-751
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• 2015

This study investigated the table settings used in Bul-chun-wi sacrificial rituals in Sangju, Gyeongpook Province. This study took place from May 2014 to April 2015 and incorporated field research and literature review. The subjects of the study were Sojae jongga (family head), Wolgan jongga, Ubook jongga and Ipjae jongga. There were four rows in the table setting of the Wolgan, whereas there were five rows in the other jonggas. In row 5, there were fruits, seeds and confections. In row 4, there were vegetables. In row 3, there was tang (stew); in row 2, juk (steamed meats or fishes) and pyun (rice cake); and in row 1, meh (boiled rice), geng (soup) and myun (noodles). The common food setting was arranged in the order of meh, geng, myun, ganjang (Korean soy sauce), poh (dried meat/fish), chimchae (water kimchi), dates, chestnuts, pears, persimmons, walnuts, bracken, bellflowers, croaker, pyun, and ssam (rice wrapped in lettuce leaves). Ubook jongga had the most number of stews at seven. Sojae and Ipjae jongga each had five stews, and Wolgan jongga had three. The smaller Wolgan jongga had gehjuk (boiled chicken), uhjuk (steamed fish) and yookjuk (boiled meat) arranged in a neat pile on one dish used for rituals, whereas Ubook jongga had gehjuk, uhjuk and yookjuk arranged separately. Sojae and Ipjae jongga had gehjuk arranged separately while yookjuk and uhjuk were arranged as dojuk (gehjuk, uhjuk, yookjuk). The uhjuk was arranged separately. In Wolgan jongga, po was arranged on the right while in the other jonggas, it was arranged to the left. For raw meat Ubook jongga, raw mackerel; Ipjae jongga, raw croaker, and Sojae jongga Yukhoe (beef tartare) were set. However, pork, chicken and croaker were cooked. Other ritual food were used in seasoning and boiling. In the geng Wolgan and Ipjae jongga used miyeokguk (seawood soup), whereas Sojae and Ubook jongga used tangguk (meat soup with vegetables). For the ritual food, most jongga ordered yoogwa, yakgwa and bonpyun as one part, rice cakes (steamed rice cake, glutinous rice cake, jeungpyun, gyungdan), and jehju (alcohol). The other ritual food was prepared on the day by jongga.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.142-160
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• 2023

The position of the people who participated in the Bapyo Ritual held in the reign of King Sejong and the corresponding costumes were examined. The king, who was the executive body of the ritual, wore Myeon-Bok, a court dress, and Myeon-Bok was Gujang-Bok made of Jang-wha on Guryu-Pyeongcheongwan. Crown princes, royal families, and government officials wore Oryang-Gwan and Jekraeui, which were Jobok. The crown princes' Joboks were changed from Oryang-Gwan to Wukryang-Gwan in the dynasty year 10 of King Sejong, and in the year of King Munjong's accession, Myeon-Bok was received, and after King Danjong, the crown princes wore Palryu-Pyeongcheongwan and Chiljang-Bok. Diplomats and Jongsagwan who were the envoys wore Sangbok. A Sangbok worn by the diplomat was Samo with Danryeong, Seo-Dae, and Hyeopgeum-Hwa, and a Sangbok worn by Jongsagwan was Samo, Danryeong, Heukgak-Dae, and Heukpi-Hwa. Byulgam, who served as an attendant to the king in the king's close quarters, wore Gongbok and Sangbok. Gongbok consisted of Ja-Geon, Danryeong and Heukpi-Hwa, and Sangbok consisted of orange color Cho-Rip, Jikryeong, Joa, and Heukpi-Hwa. The person holding San, Gae , Sujeongjang, and Geumwolbu wore Ja-Geon and Cheong-Ui, and Seon wore Pimoja and Hong-Ui. Siwigun wore armor and helmets equipped with weapons. Among court musicians, Aksa's costumes consisted of Bokdu, Bigongbok, Geumdonghyeokdae, Bibaekdaedae, and Opiri, and Aksaeng's one composed of Gaechaek, Bisuransam, Hyupgo, Mal, Maldae, and Opiri. As a result of the above, the process of ceremonial clothes becoming uniform clothes in the reign of King Sejong was confirmed. The king and lower-ranking officials such as crown princes, government officials, diplomats, Byulgam, armies for ceremonial weaponry, and court musicians participating in the Bapyo Ritual wore the highest grade of ceremonial clothes for each class. King Sejong had repeated discussions to build a nation based on Confucianism, and arranged each rite and corresponding costume, and the Bapyo Ritual costume was also systematically prepared for each position. The ceremonial clothing organized during the reign of King Sejong was regulated in Yejon and became the basis for continuing to the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.30-51
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• 2011

During the process of modernization, many rural villages in Korea have experienced degeneration and breakdown, losing sustainability. However, Oeam village in Asan City, South Chungcheong Province (State-designated cultural heritage, Important Folk Material No. 236) has established itself as a unique folk village, which evolves with sustainability, pursuing the revival of Neo-traditionalism. Oeam village is a tribal village of the Yis from the Yean region and has maintained environmental, economic, and social sustainability and soundness for over five centuries. Thus, the village has sustained itself well enough to be a cultural asset with 'Outstanding Universal Value', in terms of its value as world cultural heritage. The village maintains its own identity, filled with a variety of traditional and scenic cultural assets that symbolize a gentry village. Those assets include Confucian sceneries (head family houses, ancestral shrines, tombs, gravestones, commemorative monuments, and pavilions), various assets of folk religion (totem poles, protective trees at the entrance of a village, shrines for mountain spirits, village forests), tangible and intangible cultural assets related to daily lives (vigorous family activities, rigorous ancestral rituals, family rituals, collective agriculture and protection of ecosystem), which have all been well preserved and inherited. In particular, this village is an example of a well-being community with a well-preserved folksy atmosphere, which is based on environmentally sound settlements (nature + economy + environment + community) in a village established according to geomancy, East Asia's unique principle of environmental design. In addition, the village has kept the sustainability and authenticity for more than 500 years, combining restraint towards the environment and the view of the environment which respects the natural order and cultural values (capacity + healthy + sustainability). Therefore, the Oeam folk village can be a representative example of a folksy and scenic Korean community which falls into the category of IV (to exemplify an outstanding type of building, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape which illustrates significant stages in human history) and V (to exemplify an outstanding traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of cultures, or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change) of Unesco's World Cultural Heritage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.318-345
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• 2013

This study was carried out with a focus on the factor on the periodical space organization of Daebodan (大報壇: the altar of great recompense) in Changdeok Palace, which is significant in terms of political history in the late Chosun Dynasty, and consider the factors in the formation of the structural system through historical records and drawings. Daebodan has the ideology of righteousness to the Ming Dynasty which the hierarchy of the Joseon Dynasty. who felt the crisis of the domination order, imposed as a solution after the Manchu war of 1636. In addition, Daebodan was built by complex factors that entailed the self-esteem of the 'Joseon Centralism Ideology (朝鮮中華)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven that were imminent to the kings of Joseon. Superficially, Daebodan has the spatial organization of the Sajik (社稷) Altar and the placement of an annex building, but had the applied placement due to limited topography and access to the backyard. Furthermore, the lateral structure of Daebodan multiply accepted various factors of the nine step's stairs, the hight of five cheok (尺), the circumstance of two floors that were showed in the altar and platform with small fences and an imperial order including the internal form of Hwangjangbang (黃帳房). Moreover, the name of the alter came from 'the Jiaote Sheng Book of Rites(禮記 郊特牲)' representing 'the suburban sacrifice ritual for Heaven (郊天)', and it was built by not only combining the system of the Sajik Altar in the Joseon Dynasty and China but also avoiding 'excessive etiquette (僭禮).' The point is a remarkable feature shown by the structural system of Daebodan. Thus, it is considered that the 'Notion of Confucian-Cultural Succession (中華繼承意識)' and the desire of the sacrificial rituals for Heaven were expressed by the structure and form of altar. This study examined the process of the creation, expansion, decline and disposal of Daebodan in a chronological order, and found that the ruling ideology of the governing elite by the political and cultural background of the era at each transitional point was reflected in the spatial formation of the altar. On the other hand, as a result of performing a field survey to find the location in accordance with Daebodan in drawing materials, there remains items such as worked stones from Daebodan, precast pavers and fragments of proof tile discovered in the surrounding of tora vine (Actinidia arguta) which is a natural monument of Changdeok Palace. As such, verification through future excavation and investigation is required.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.33
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• pp.115-143
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• 2010

The purpose of this study is to analyze contents and process of rites about sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums in early Joseon Dynasty, and to conclude, to review the position of Royal Mausoleums in the whole National Rites System. The sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums started from building Royal Mausoleums of 8 persons-ancestors since King T'aejo's great-great-grandparents, in 1392, founding Joseon Dynasty. In 1408, King T'aejo had died and his Kŏnwŏnnŭng (健元陵) was builted in Yangju, Gyeonggi-do. Since then, after kings of many generations died, each of Royal Mausoleums was builted solemnlly. In the process of this, sacrificial rituals modified and supplemented, especially during the reign of king Sejong(1418~1450). After all, the sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums was settled in KukchoOryeūi(國朝五禮儀, Five State Rites) compiled during the reign of King Sŏngjong. In process of Institutionalization of sacrificial rituals, the argument between king and vassals about four-seasons' ancestral rites was properly or not was occurred. That was because the memorial times of Royal Mausoleums overlaped Chongmyo's and more important Chongmyo's ancestral rites was neglected. But four-seasons' ancestral rites of Royal Mausoleums was continued until 17th century. Sacrificial rites related Royal Mausoleums as royal personal rites had simple processes compared to sacrificial rites of Chongmyo, upper-graded formal ancestral rites, under National Rites system. Justifying to served his parents with devotion, the kings in early Joseon Dynasty went to Royal Mausoleums 2-3 times annually. During coming and going, he show off his presence as king in power to his subjects through magnificent guard of honor. On the one hand, he met his subjects directly and acceded to various petition. Above all things, The kings in early Joseon Dynasty emphasized his military power through military training, namely, hunting, disposition of troops, and so on.